Blood revenge (Caucasus) - Revision history

Editor2018 at 07:22, 3 February 2021

2021-02-03T07:22:01Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 07:22, 3 February 2021
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	[[Category: Kinship]]		[[Category: Kinship]]
	[[Category: Ethnicity]]		[[Category: Ethnicity]]
	[[Category: ~~Honor~~]]		[[Category: Honour]]
	[[Category: Revenge]]		[[Category: Revenge]]
	[[Category: Patriarchy]]		[[Category: Patriarchy]]

Editor2018 at 08:43, 11 May 2020

2020-05-11T08:43:51Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 08:43, 11 May 2020
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	\| authorofpiece =Emil Aslan Souleimanov		\| authorofpiece =Emil Aslan Souleimanov
	\| authorinstitution =Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Czech Republic		\| authorinstitution =Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Czech Republic
	\| authorwebsite =[https://~~krvs~~.~~fsv~~.~~cuni.cz~~/~~KRVS-167.html~~ Profile page at CU]}}		\| authorwebsite =[https://cuni.academia.edu/Emil_A_Souleimanov Profile page at Academia.edu]}}
	<big>'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Czech Republic'''</big>		<big>'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Czech Republic'''</big>
	[[Category:FSU]]		[[Category:FSU]]

Editor2018 at 10:50, 16 May 2019

2019-05-16T10:50:31Z

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	{{infobox		{{infobox
	\| nameofpractice = Blood revenge		\| nameofpractice =Blood revenge
	\| flagemoji =		\| flagemoji =
	\| definition = Custom of avenging insults by killing the offender or his male relatives; can escalate into a blood feud		\| definition =Custom of avenging insults by killing the offender or his male relatives; can escalate into a blood feud
	\| location = Caucasus		\| location =Caucasus
	\| imagemap = Caucasus map.png		\| imagemap =Caucasus map.png
	\| categories = [[:Category: FSU\|FSU]] – [[:Category: Caucasus\| Caucasus]] – [[:Category: Kinship\| Kinship]] – [[:Category: Ethnicity\| Ethnicity]] – [[:Category: Honor\| Honor]] – [[:Category: Revenge\| Revenge]] – [[:Category: Patriarchy\| Patriarchy]] – [[:Category: Gender\| Gender]]		\| clusters =
	\| authorofpiece = Emil Aslan Souleimanov		\| categories =
	\| authorinstitution = Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, ~~Prague~~		[[:Category:FSU\|FSU]] – [[:Category: Caucasus\| Caucasus]] – [[:Category: Kinship\| Kinship]] – [[:Category: Ethnicity\| Ethnicity]] – [[:Category: Honor\| Honor]] – [[:Category: Revenge\| Revenge]] – [[:Category: Patriarchy\| Patriarchy]] – [[:Category: Gender\| Gender]]
	\| authorwebsite = [https://krvs.fsv.cuni.cz/KRVS-167.html Profile page at CU]		\| authorofpiece =Emil Aslan Souleimanov
	}}		\| authorinstitution =Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Czech Republic
	<big>'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, ~~Prague~~'''</big>		\| authorwebsite =[https://krvs.fsv.cuni.cz/KRVS-167.html Profile page at CU]}}
	[[Category: FSU]]		<big>'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Czech Republic'''</big>
	[[Category: Caucasus]]		[[Category:FSU]]
	[[Category: Kinship]]		[[Category: Caucasus]]
	[[Category: Ethnicity]]		[[Category: Kinship]]
	[[Category: Honor]]		[[Category: Ethnicity]]
	[[Category: Revenge]]		[[Category: Honor]]
	[[Category: Patriarchy]]		[[Category: Revenge]]
	[[Category: Gender]]		[[Category: Patriarchy]]
	[[Category: Entry]]		[[Category: Gender]]
	{\| class="wikitable"		[[Category:Entry]]
			{\| class="wikitable"
	\|-		\|-
	\|style="font-size:1.1em;"\| Blood revenge – a custom of avenging a grave insult by killing either the offender or his male relatives – has been prevalent in the Caucasus for centuries. Various terms have historically been used across the Caucasus to designate blood revenge or blood feud (that is, a cycle of subsequent blood revenges). These include ch'ir in Chechen, [[ch'ir]] or pkhä in Ingush, bidul k'isas in Avar, öttul kisas or badal in Lak, kanga kan or kanly in Kumyk and Noghai, litsvri in Svan, and qanli qisas in Azerbaijani, to name a few. This social practice expired in most of the region over the twentieth century owing to processes of modernisation and urbanisation. However, it is still commonplace in Chechnya and Ingushetia, two ethnic republics within the Russian Federation (Souleimanov 2007: 24-29)<ref>Souleimanov, E. 2007. An Endless War: The Russian-Chechen Conflict in Perspective. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang</ref>.		\|style="font-size:1.1em;"\| Blood revenge – a custom of avenging a grave insult by killing either the offender or his male relatives – has been prevalent in the Caucasus for centuries. Various terms have historically been used across the Caucasus to designate blood revenge or blood feud (that is, a cycle of subsequent blood revenges). These include ch'ir in Chechen, [[ch'ir]] or pkhä in Ingush, bidul k'isas in Avar, öttul kisas or badal in Lak, kanga kan or kanly in Kumyk and Noghai, litsvri in Svan, and qanli qisas in Azerbaijani, to name a few. This social practice expired in most of the region over the twentieth century owing to processes of modernisation and urbanisation. However, it is still commonplace in Chechnya and Ingushetia, two ethnic republics within the Russian Federation (Souleimanov 2007: 24-29)<ref>Souleimanov, E. 2007. An Endless War: The Russian-Chechen Conflict in Perspective. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang</ref>.
	\|}		\|}

	Blood revenge is by no means unique to the Caucasus. As part of informal local codes, known as unwritten or customary law, blood revenge has been practiced widely by tribal or clan-based societies, among which central authority was either weak or absent and law enforcement was poor. Therefore, tribes or clans had to take upon themselves the task of defending their individual members (MacCormack 1973, Chagnon 1988, Boehm 2011, Nivette 2011)<ref>MacCormack, G. 1973. 'Revenge and Compensation in early law,' The American Journal of Comparative Law, 21 (1): 69-85</ref><ref>Chagnon, N. 1988. 'Life histories, blood revenge, and warfare in a tribal population,' Science 239(4843): 985-992</ref><ref>Boehm, C. 2011. 'Retaliatory violence in human prehistory', British journal of criminology, 51(3): 518-534</ref><ref>Nivette, M. 2011. 'Violence in Non-State Societies. A Review,' British Journal of Criminology, 51(3): 578–598</ref>. Blood revenge was widespread in ancient Mesopotamia, Palestine, Greece, Rome, as well as in the (proto)states of the Fertile Crescent (Barmash 2004)<ref>Barmash, P. 2004. 'Blood Feud and State Control: Differing Legal Institutions for the Remedy of Homicide During the Second and First Millennia B.C.E.', Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 63(3): 183-199</ref>. In early medieval Europe, it was practiced by Scandinavians, Franks and other Germanic tribes (Rosenthal 1966)<ref>Rosenthal, J. 1966. 'Marriage and the blood feud in “heroic” Europe,' British Journal of Sociology, 17 (2): 133-144</ref>. Blood revenge was practiced well into the twentieth century in Southern Europe: for instance the notorious vendetta in Southern Italy and Corsica (Wilson 2003)<ref>Wilson, S. 2003. Feuding, conflict and banditry in nineteenth-century Corsica. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press</ref>, as well as in parts of Greece and in Montenegro (Black-Michaud and Peters 1975, Gallant 2000)<ref>Black-Michaud, J. and Peters, E. 1975. Cohesive Force: Feud in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press</ref><ref>Gallant, T. 2000. 'Honor, masculinity, and ritual knife fighting in nineteenth-century Greece,' American Historical Review, 105(2): 359-382</ref>. Beyond Europe and the Middle East, it spread from pre-modern Japan (Mills 1976)<ref>Mills, D. 1976. 'Kataki-uchi: The Practice of Blood-Revenge in Pre-Modern Japan,' Modern Asian Studies, 10(4): 525-542</ref> through Cambodia (Laban-Hinton 1998)<ref>Hinton, A. L. 1998. 'Why did you kill?: The Cambodian genocide and the dark side of face and honor.' The Journal of Asian Studies 57(1): 93-122.</ref> to Oceania (Hoebel 2006)<ref>Hoebel, E. 2006. The Law of Primitive Man: A Study in Comparative Legal Dynamics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press</ref>. Nowadays, in addition to the Northeast Caucasus, blood revenge remains active among the Gheg Albanians of northern Albania and Kosovo (Boyle 2010)<ref>Boyle, M. 2010. 'Revenge and reprisal violence in Kosovo,' Conflict, Security & Development, 10(2): 189-216</ref>; in the Kurdish-dominated areas of Turkey and Iraq (Icli 1994)<ref>Icli, T. 1994. 'Blood feud in Turkey: A sociological analysis,' British Journal of Criminology, 34(1): 69-74</ref>; in Pashtun-dominated areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan (Mahdi 1986)<ref>Mahdi, N. 1986. 'Pukhtunwali: Ostracism and honor among the Pathan hill tribes,' Ethnology and Sociobiology, 7(3): 295-304</ref>; Somalia (Mohamed 2007)<ref>Mohamed, J. 2007. 'Kinship and Contract in Somali Politics,' Africa 77(2): 226-249</ref>; as well as in Yemen (Morris and Trammel 2011)<ref>Morris, T. and Trammell, R. 2011. 'Formal and Informal Justice and Punishment: Urban Law and Rural Mediation Rituals in Yemen,' Race and Justice, 1(2): 131-153</ref> and in other predominantly tribal Arabic societies.		Blood revenge is by no means unique to the Caucasus. As part of informal local codes, known as unwritten or customary law, blood revenge has been practiced widely by tribal or clan-based societies, among which central authority was either weak or absent and law enforcement was poor. Therefore, tribes or clans had to take upon themselves the task of defending their individual members (MacCormack 1973, Chagnon 1988, Boehm 2011, Nivette 2011)<ref>MacCormack, G. 1973. 'Revenge and Compensation in early law,' The American Journal of Comparative Law, 21 (1): 69-85</ref><ref>Chagnon, N. 1988. 'Life histories, blood revenge, and warfare in a tribal population,' Science 239(4843): 985-992</ref><ref>Boehm, C. 2011. 'Retaliatory violence in human prehistory', British journal of criminology, 51(3): 518-534</ref><ref>Nivette, M. 2011. 'Violence in Non-State Societies. A Review,' British Journal of Criminology, 51(3): 578–598</ref>. Blood revenge was widespread in ancient Mesopotamia, Palestine, Greece, Rome, as well as in the (proto)states of the Fertile Crescent (Barmash 2004)<ref>Barmash, P. 2004. 'Blood Feud and State Control: Differing Legal Institutions for the Remedy of Homicide During the Second and First Millennia B.C.E.', Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 63(3): 183-199</ref>. In early medieval Europe, it was practiced by Scandinavians, Franks and other Germanic tribes (Rosenthal 1966)<ref>Rosenthal, J. 1966. 'Marriage and the blood feud in “heroic” Europe,' British Journal of Sociology, 17 (2): 133-144</ref>. Blood revenge was practiced well into the twentieth century in Southern Europe: for instance the notorious vendetta in Southern Italy and Corsica (Wilson 2003)<ref>Wilson, S. 2003. Feuding, conflict and banditry in nineteenth-century Corsica. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press</ref>, as well as in parts of Greece and in Montenegro (Black-Michaud and Peters 1975, Gallant 2000)<ref>Black-Michaud, J. and Peters, E. 1975. Cohesive Force: Feud in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press</ref><ref>Gallant, T. 2000. 'Honor, masculinity, and ritual knife fighting in nineteenth-century Greece,' American Historical Review, 105(2): 359-382</ref>. Beyond Europe and the Middle East, it spread from pre-modern Japan (Mills 1976)<ref>Mills, D. 1976. 'Kataki-uchi: The Practice of Blood-Revenge in Pre-Modern Japan,' Modern Asian Studies, 10(4): 525-542</ref> through Cambodia (Laban-Hinton 1998)<ref>Hinton, A. L. 1998. 'Why did you kill?: The Cambodian genocide and the dark side of face and honor.' The Journal of Asian Studies 57(1): 93-122.</ref> to Oceania (Hoebel 2006)<ref>Hoebel, E. 2006. The Law of Primitive Man: A Study in Comparative Legal Dynamics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press</ref>. Nowadays, in addition to the Northeast Caucasus, blood revenge remains active among the Gheg Albanians of northern Albania and Kosovo (Boyle 2010)<ref>Boyle, M. 2010. 'Revenge and reprisal violence in Kosovo,' Conflict, Security & Development, 10(2): 189-216</ref>; in the Kurdish-dominated areas of Turkey and Iraq (Icli 1994)<ref>Icli, T. 1994. 'Blood feud in Turkey: A sociological analysis,' British Journal of Criminology, 34(1): 69-74</ref>; in Pashtun-dominated areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan (Mahdi 1986)<ref>Mahdi, N. 1986. 'Pukhtunwali: Ostracism and honor among the Pathan hill tribes,' Ethnology and Sociobiology, 7(3): 295-304</ref>; Somalia (Mohamed 2007)<ref>Mohamed, J. 2007. 'Kinship and Contract in Somali Politics,' Africa 77(2): 226-249</ref>; as well as in Yemen (Morris and Trammel 2011)<ref>Morris, T. and Trammell, R. 2011. 'Formal and Informal Justice and Punishment: Urban Law and Rural Mediation Rituals in Yemen,' Race and Justice, 1(2): 131-153</ref> and in other predominantly tribal Arabic societies.

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	The codes of hospitality (Chechen: siskal) and silence (Chechen: disttsakhilar) are important sources of pro-insurgent support in the Northern Caucasus (Souleimanov and Aliyev 2015b)<ref>Souleimanov, E. and Aliyev, H.2015b. 'Blood Revenge and Violent Mobilization: Evidence from the Chechen Wars,' International Security, 40(2): 158-80</ref>. While considerably weakened over recent decades, these codes still persist, especially in rural and mountainous areas. Enshrined in the customary law, [[adat]], the code of hospitality requires the highlanders to provide support to those in need. Fugitives escaping enemies in ch’ir, or abreks (outlaws or lone-wolf guerilla fighters) are required to be sheltered by fellow highlanders, regardless of the risk of armed confrontation with their guest's personal enemies or with the authorities (Bobrovnikov 2000)<ref>Bobrovnikov, V. 2000. 'Abreki i gosudarstvo: kultura nasiliia na Kavkaze,' Vestnik Evrazii, 1(1): 19-46</ref>. This tradition partly survives in the North-East Caucasus. The code of silence, close to the South Italian custom of [[omertà]], requires highlanders to reject collaboration with outsiders, including formal authorities. Even in the case of severe inter-personal or inter-clan conflict, highlanders are not supposed to approach the authorities; such a move would expose the violators of the unwritten code of honour as fearful and weak. The code of silence prescribes highlanders to remain silent about their community's internal affairs and resolve their issues on their own, within the circle of clan or religious authorities. Insurgents have routinely been provided with shelter, food, medicine, clothes, and other basic needs by the local population. Even those disapproving of the insurgents and their activities are unlikely to report them to the authorities (Souleimanov and Aliyev 2015)<ref>Souleimanov, E. and Aliyev, H.2015a. 'Asymmetry of Values, Indigenous Forces, and Incumbent Success in Counterinsurgency: Evidence from Chechnya,' Journal of Strategic Studies, 38(5): 678-703</ref>.		The codes of hospitality (Chechen: siskal) and silence (Chechen: disttsakhilar) are important sources of pro-insurgent support in the Northern Caucasus (Souleimanov and Aliyev 2015b)<ref>Souleimanov, E. and Aliyev, H.2015b. 'Blood Revenge and Violent Mobilization: Evidence from the Chechen Wars,' International Security, 40(2): 158-80</ref>. While considerably weakened over recent decades, these codes still persist, especially in rural and mountainous areas. Enshrined in the customary law, [[adat]], the code of hospitality requires the highlanders to provide support to those in need. Fugitives escaping enemies in ch’ir, or abreks (outlaws or lone-wolf guerilla fighters) are required to be sheltered by fellow highlanders, regardless of the risk of armed confrontation with their guest's personal enemies or with the authorities (Bobrovnikov 2000)<ref>Bobrovnikov, V. 2000. 'Abreki i gosudarstvo: kultura nasiliia na Kavkaze,' Vestnik Evrazii, 1(1): 19-46</ref>. This tradition partly survives in the North-East Caucasus. The code of silence, close to the South Italian custom of [[omertà]], requires highlanders to reject collaboration with outsiders, including formal authorities. Even in the case of severe inter-personal or inter-clan conflict, highlanders are not supposed to approach the authorities; such a move would expose the violators of the unwritten code of honour as fearful and weak. The code of silence prescribes highlanders to remain silent about their community's internal affairs and resolve their issues on their own, within the circle of clan or religious authorities. Insurgents have routinely been provided with shelter, food, medicine, clothes, and other basic needs by the local population. Even those disapproving of the insurgents and their activities are unlikely to report them to the authorities (Souleimanov and Aliyev 2015)<ref>Souleimanov, E. and Aliyev, H.2015a. 'Asymmetry of Values, Indigenous Forces, and Incumbent Success in Counterinsurgency: Evidence from Chechnya,' Journal of Strategic Studies, 38(5): 678-703</ref>.

	==~~Notes~~==		==References==
	~~<references />~~

Editor2018 at 10:28, 25 April 2019

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	[[Category: Gender]]		[[Category: Gender]]
	[[Category: Entry]]		[[Category: Entry]]
	~~[[Category: 2019 entry]]~~
	{\| class="wikitable"		{\| class="wikitable"
	\|-		\|-

Admin at 10:26, 25 April 2019

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	\| authorofpiece = Emil Aslan Souleimanov		\| authorofpiece = Emil Aslan Souleimanov
	\| authorinstitution = Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague		\| authorinstitution = Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague
	\| ~~website~~ = [https://krvs.fsv.cuni.cz/KRVS-167.html Profile page at CU]		\| authorwebsite = [https://krvs.fsv.cuni.cz/KRVS-167.html Profile page at CU]
	}}		}}
	<big>'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague'''</big>		<big>'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague'''</big>

Admin at 10:25, 25 April 2019

2019-04-25T10:25:17Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 10:25, 25 April 2019
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	\| authorofpiece = Emil Aslan Souleimanov		\| authorofpiece = Emil Aslan Souleimanov
	\| authorinstitution = Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague		\| authorinstitution = Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague
	\| website = https://krvs.fsv.cuni.cz/KRVS-167.html Profile page at CU		\| website = [https://krvs.fsv.cuni.cz/KRVS-167.html Profile page at CU]
	}}		}}
	<big>'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague'''</big>		<big>'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague'''</big>

Editor2018 at 10:23, 25 April 2019

2019-04-25T10:23:42Z

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	\| website = https://krvs.fsv.cuni.cz/KRVS-167.html Profile page at CU		\| website = https://krvs.fsv.cuni.cz/KRVS-167.html Profile page at CU
	}}		}}
	'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague'''		<big>'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague'''</big>
	[[Category: FSU]]		[[Category: FSU]]
	[[Category: Caucasus]]		[[Category: Caucasus]]

Editor2018 at 10:09, 25 April 2019

2019-04-25T10:09:02Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 10:09, 25 April 2019
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	{{infobox		{{infobox
	\| nameofpractice = Blood revenge		\| nameofpractice = Blood revenge
	\| location = Caucasus		\| flagemoji =
	\| imagemap = Caucasus map.png		\| definition = Custom of avenging insults by killing the offender or his male relatives; can escalate into a blood feud
	\| authorofpiece = Emil Aslan Souleimanov		\| location = Caucasus
	\| authorinstitution = ~~Institute~~ of ~~International~~ Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University in Prague		\| imagemap = Caucasus map.png
	}}		\| categories = [[:Category: FSU\|FSU]] – [[:Category: Caucasus\| Caucasus]] – [[:Category: Kinship\| Kinship]] – [[:Category: Ethnicity\| Ethnicity]] – [[:Category: Honor\| Honor]] – [[:Category: Revenge\| Revenge]] – [[:Category: Patriarchy\| Patriarchy]] – [[:Category: Gender\| Gender]]
			\| authorofpiece = Emil Aslan Souleimanov
			\| authorinstitution = Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague
			\| website = https://krvs.fsv.cuni.cz/KRVS-167.html Profile page at CU
			}}
			'''By Emil Aslan Souleimanov, Department of Russian and East European Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Prague'''
			[[Category: FSU]]
			[[Category: Caucasus]]
			[[Category: Kinship]]
			[[Category: Ethnicity]]
			[[Category: Honor]]
			[[Category: Revenge]]
			[[Category: Patriarchy]]
			[[Category: Gender]]
			[[Category: Entry]]
			[[Category: 2019 entry]]
			{\| class="wikitable"
			\|-
			\|style="font-size:1.1em;"\| Blood revenge – a custom of avenging a grave insult by killing either the offender or his male relatives – has been prevalent in the Caucasus for centuries. Various terms have historically been used across the Caucasus to designate blood revenge or blood feud (that is, a cycle of subsequent blood revenges). These include ch'ir in Chechen, [[ch'ir]] or pkhä in Ingush, bidul k'isas in Avar, öttul kisas or badal in Lak, kanga kan or kanly in Kumyk and Noghai, litsvri in Svan, and qanli qisas in Azerbaijani, to name a few. This social practice expired in most of the region over the twentieth century owing to processes of modernisation and urbanisation. However, it is still commonplace in Chechnya and Ingushetia, two ethnic republics within the Russian Federation (Souleimanov 2007: 24-29)<ref>Souleimanov, E. 2007. An Endless War: The Russian-Chechen Conflict in Perspective. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang</ref>.
			\|}

	~~'''''Original text by <span class="plainlinks">[https://krvs.fsv.cuni.cz/KRVS-167.html Emil Aslan Souleimanov ]</span>'''''~~

	~~<div class="toccolours mw-collapsible mw-collapsed">~~
	Blood revenge – a custom of avenging a grave insult by killing either the offender or his male relatives – has been prevalent in the Caucasus for centuries. Various terms have historically been used across the Caucasus to designate blood revenge or blood feud (that is, a cycle of subsequent blood revenges). These include ch'ir in Chechen, [[ch'ir]] or pkhä in Ingush, bidul k'isas in Avar, öttul kisas or badal in Lak, kanga kan or kanly in Kumyk and Noghai, litsvri in Svan, and qanli qisas in Azerbaijani, to name a few. This social practice expired in most of the region over the twentieth century owing to processes of modernisation and urbanisation. However, it is still commonplace in Chechnya and Ingushetia, two ethnic republics within the Russian Federation (Souleimanov 2007: 24-29)<ref>Souleimanov, E. 2007. An Endless War: The Russian-Chechen Conflict in Perspective. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang</ref>.

	~~<div class="mw-collapsible-content">~~
	Blood revenge is by no means unique to the Caucasus. As part of informal local codes, known as unwritten or customary law, blood revenge has been practiced widely by tribal or clan-based societies, among which central authority was either weak or absent and law enforcement was poor. Therefore, tribes or clans had to take upon themselves the task of defending their individual members (MacCormack 1973, Chagnon 1988, Boehm 2011, Nivette 2011)<ref>MacCormack, G. 1973. 'Revenge and Compensation in early law,' The American Journal of Comparative Law, 21 (1): 69-85</ref><ref>Chagnon, N. 1988. 'Life histories, blood revenge, and warfare in a tribal population,' Science 239(4843): 985-992</ref><ref>Boehm, C. 2011. 'Retaliatory violence in human prehistory', British journal of criminology, 51(3): 518-534</ref><ref>Nivette, M. 2011. 'Violence in Non-State Societies. A Review,' British Journal of Criminology, 51(3): 578–598</ref>. Blood revenge was widespread in ancient Mesopotamia, Palestine, Greece, Rome, as well as in the (proto)states of the Fertile Crescent (Barmash 2004)<ref>Barmash, P. 2004. 'Blood Feud and State Control: Differing Legal Institutions for the Remedy of Homicide During the Second and First Millennia B.C.E.', Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 63(3): 183-199</ref>. In early medieval Europe, it was practiced by Scandinavians, Franks and other Germanic tribes (Rosenthal 1966)<ref>Rosenthal, J. 1966. 'Marriage and the blood feud in “heroic” Europe,' British Journal of Sociology, 17 (2): 133-144</ref>. Blood revenge was practiced well into the twentieth century in Southern Europe: for instance the notorious vendetta in Southern Italy and Corsica (Wilson 2003)<ref>Wilson, S. 2003. Feuding, conflict and banditry in nineteenth-century Corsica. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press</ref>, as well as in parts of Greece and in Montenegro (Black-Michaud and Peters 1975, Gallant 2000)<ref>Black-Michaud, J. and Peters, E. 1975. Cohesive Force: Feud in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press</ref><ref>Gallant, T. 2000. 'Honor, masculinity, and ritual knife fighting in nineteenth-century Greece,' American Historical Review, 105(2): 359-382</ref>. Beyond Europe and the Middle East, it spread from pre-modern Japan (Mills 1976)<ref>Mills, D. 1976. 'Kataki-uchi: The Practice of Blood-Revenge in Pre-Modern Japan,' Modern Asian Studies, 10(4): 525-542</ref> through Cambodia (Laban-Hinton 1998)<ref>Hinton, A. L. 1998. 'Why did you kill?: The Cambodian genocide and the dark side of face and honor.' The Journal of Asian Studies 57(1): 93-122.</ref> to Oceania (Hoebel 2006)<ref>Hoebel, E. 2006. The Law of Primitive Man: A Study in Comparative Legal Dynamics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press</ref>. Nowadays, in addition to the Northeast Caucasus, blood revenge remains active among the Gheg Albanians of northern Albania and Kosovo (Boyle 2010)<ref>Boyle, M. 2010. 'Revenge and reprisal violence in Kosovo,' Conflict, Security & Development, 10(2): 189-216</ref>; in the Kurdish-dominated areas of Turkey and Iraq (Icli 1994)<ref>Icli, T. 1994. 'Blood feud in Turkey: A sociological analysis,' British Journal of Criminology, 34(1): 69-74</ref>; in Pashtun-dominated areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan (Mahdi 1986)<ref>Mahdi, N. 1986. 'Pukhtunwali: Ostracism and honor among the Pathan hill tribes,' Ethnology and Sociobiology, 7(3): 295-304</ref>; Somalia (Mohamed 2007)<ref>Mohamed, J. 2007. 'Kinship and Contract in Somali Politics,' Africa 77(2): 226-249</ref>; as well as in Yemen (Morris and Trammel 2011)<ref>Morris, T. and Trammell, R. 2011. 'Formal and Informal Justice and Punishment: Urban Law and Rural Mediation Rituals in Yemen,' Race and Justice, 1(2): 131-153</ref> and in other predominantly tribal Arabic societies.		Blood revenge is by no means unique to the Caucasus. As part of informal local codes, known as unwritten or customary law, blood revenge has been practiced widely by tribal or clan-based societies, among which central authority was either weak or absent and law enforcement was poor. Therefore, tribes or clans had to take upon themselves the task of defending their individual members (MacCormack 1973, Chagnon 1988, Boehm 2011, Nivette 2011)<ref>MacCormack, G. 1973. 'Revenge and Compensation in early law,' The American Journal of Comparative Law, 21 (1): 69-85</ref><ref>Chagnon, N. 1988. 'Life histories, blood revenge, and warfare in a tribal population,' Science 239(4843): 985-992</ref><ref>Boehm, C. 2011. 'Retaliatory violence in human prehistory', British journal of criminology, 51(3): 518-534</ref><ref>Nivette, M. 2011. 'Violence in Non-State Societies. A Review,' British Journal of Criminology, 51(3): 578–598</ref>. Blood revenge was widespread in ancient Mesopotamia, Palestine, Greece, Rome, as well as in the (proto)states of the Fertile Crescent (Barmash 2004)<ref>Barmash, P. 2004. 'Blood Feud and State Control: Differing Legal Institutions for the Remedy of Homicide During the Second and First Millennia B.C.E.', Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 63(3): 183-199</ref>. In early medieval Europe, it was practiced by Scandinavians, Franks and other Germanic tribes (Rosenthal 1966)<ref>Rosenthal, J. 1966. 'Marriage and the blood feud in “heroic” Europe,' British Journal of Sociology, 17 (2): 133-144</ref>. Blood revenge was practiced well into the twentieth century in Southern Europe: for instance the notorious vendetta in Southern Italy and Corsica (Wilson 2003)<ref>Wilson, S. 2003. Feuding, conflict and banditry in nineteenth-century Corsica. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press</ref>, as well as in parts of Greece and in Montenegro (Black-Michaud and Peters 1975, Gallant 2000)<ref>Black-Michaud, J. and Peters, E. 1975. Cohesive Force: Feud in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press</ref><ref>Gallant, T. 2000. 'Honor, masculinity, and ritual knife fighting in nineteenth-century Greece,' American Historical Review, 105(2): 359-382</ref>. Beyond Europe and the Middle East, it spread from pre-modern Japan (Mills 1976)<ref>Mills, D. 1976. 'Kataki-uchi: The Practice of Blood-Revenge in Pre-Modern Japan,' Modern Asian Studies, 10(4): 525-542</ref> through Cambodia (Laban-Hinton 1998)<ref>Hinton, A. L. 1998. 'Why did you kill?: The Cambodian genocide and the dark side of face and honor.' The Journal of Asian Studies 57(1): 93-122.</ref> to Oceania (Hoebel 2006)<ref>Hoebel, E. 2006. The Law of Primitive Man: A Study in Comparative Legal Dynamics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press</ref>. Nowadays, in addition to the Northeast Caucasus, blood revenge remains active among the Gheg Albanians of northern Albania and Kosovo (Boyle 2010)<ref>Boyle, M. 2010. 'Revenge and reprisal violence in Kosovo,' Conflict, Security & Development, 10(2): 189-216</ref>; in the Kurdish-dominated areas of Turkey and Iraq (Icli 1994)<ref>Icli, T. 1994. 'Blood feud in Turkey: A sociological analysis,' British Journal of Criminology, 34(1): 69-74</ref>; in Pashtun-dominated areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan (Mahdi 1986)<ref>Mahdi, N. 1986. 'Pukhtunwali: Ostracism and honor among the Pathan hill tribes,' Ethnology and Sociobiology, 7(3): 295-304</ref>; Somalia (Mohamed 2007)<ref>Mohamed, J. 2007. 'Kinship and Contract in Somali Politics,' Africa 77(2): 226-249</ref>; as well as in Yemen (Morris and Trammel 2011)<ref>Morris, T. and Trammell, R. 2011. 'Formal and Informal Justice and Punishment: Urban Law and Rural Mediation Rituals in Yemen,' Race and Justice, 1(2): 131-153</ref> and in other predominantly tribal Arabic societies.

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	The codes of hospitality (Chechen: siskal) and silence (Chechen: disttsakhilar) are important sources of pro-insurgent support in the Northern Caucasus (Souleimanov and Aliyev 2015b)<ref>Souleimanov, E. and Aliyev, H.2015b. 'Blood Revenge and Violent Mobilization: Evidence from the Chechen Wars,' International Security, 40(2): 158-80</ref>. While considerably weakened over recent decades, these codes still persist, especially in rural and mountainous areas. Enshrined in the customary law, [[adat]], the code of hospitality requires the highlanders to provide support to those in need. Fugitives escaping enemies in ch’ir, or abreks (outlaws or lone-wolf guerilla fighters) are required to be sheltered by fellow highlanders, regardless of the risk of armed confrontation with their guest's personal enemies or with the authorities (Bobrovnikov 2000)<ref>Bobrovnikov, V. 2000. 'Abreki i gosudarstvo: kultura nasiliia na Kavkaze,' Vestnik Evrazii, 1(1): 19-46</ref>. This tradition partly survives in the North-East Caucasus. The code of silence, close to the South Italian custom of [[omertà]], requires highlanders to reject collaboration with outsiders, including formal authorities. Even in the case of severe inter-personal or inter-clan conflict, highlanders are not supposed to approach the authorities; such a move would expose the violators of the unwritten code of honour as fearful and weak. The code of silence prescribes highlanders to remain silent about their community's internal affairs and resolve their issues on their own, within the circle of clan or religious authorities. Insurgents have routinely been provided with shelter, food, medicine, clothes, and other basic needs by the local population. Even those disapproving of the insurgents and their activities are unlikely to report them to the authorities (Souleimanov and Aliyev 2015)<ref>Souleimanov, E. and Aliyev, H.2015a. 'Asymmetry of Values, Indigenous Forces, and Incumbent Success in Counterinsurgency: Evidence from Chechnya,' Journal of Strategic Studies, 38(5): 678-703</ref>.		The codes of hospitality (Chechen: siskal) and silence (Chechen: disttsakhilar) are important sources of pro-insurgent support in the Northern Caucasus (Souleimanov and Aliyev 2015b)<ref>Souleimanov, E. and Aliyev, H.2015b. 'Blood Revenge and Violent Mobilization: Evidence from the Chechen Wars,' International Security, 40(2): 158-80</ref>. While considerably weakened over recent decades, these codes still persist, especially in rural and mountainous areas. Enshrined in the customary law, [[adat]], the code of hospitality requires the highlanders to provide support to those in need. Fugitives escaping enemies in ch’ir, or abreks (outlaws or lone-wolf guerilla fighters) are required to be sheltered by fellow highlanders, regardless of the risk of armed confrontation with their guest's personal enemies or with the authorities (Bobrovnikov 2000)<ref>Bobrovnikov, V. 2000. 'Abreki i gosudarstvo: kultura nasiliia na Kavkaze,' Vestnik Evrazii, 1(1): 19-46</ref>. This tradition partly survives in the North-East Caucasus. The code of silence, close to the South Italian custom of [[omertà]], requires highlanders to reject collaboration with outsiders, including formal authorities. Even in the case of severe inter-personal or inter-clan conflict, highlanders are not supposed to approach the authorities; such a move would expose the violators of the unwritten code of honour as fearful and weak. The code of silence prescribes highlanders to remain silent about their community's internal affairs and resolve their issues on their own, within the circle of clan or religious authorities. Insurgents have routinely been provided with shelter, food, medicine, clothes, and other basic needs by the local population. Even those disapproving of the insurgents and their activities are unlikely to report them to the authorities (Souleimanov and Aliyev 2015)<ref>Souleimanov, E. and Aliyev, H.2015a. 'Asymmetry of Values, Indigenous Forces, and Incumbent Success in Counterinsurgency: Evidence from Chechnya,' Journal of Strategic Studies, 38(5): 678-703</ref>.
	~~</div>~~
	~~</div>~~

	==Notes==		==Notes==
	<references />		<references />

	~~[[Category:Informal Practices]]~~
	~~[[Category:Kazakhstan]]~~
	~~[[Category:CIS]]~~
	~~[[Category:FSU]]~~
	~~[[Category:Caucasus]]~~
	~~[[Category:Central Asia]]~~
	~~[[Category:Substantive]]~~
	~~[[Category:Economies of favours]]~~
	~~[[Category:Gift]]~~
	~~[[Category:Favour]]~~
	~~[[Category:Entry]]~~

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	Blood revenge – a custom of avenging a grave insult by killing either the offender or his male relatives – has been prevalent in the Caucasus for centuries. Various terms have historically been used across the Caucasus to designate blood revenge or blood feud (that is, a cycle of subsequent blood revenges). These include ch'ir in Chechen, ch'ir or pkhä in Ingush, bidul k'isas in Avar, öttul kisas or badal in Lak, kanga kan or kanly in Kumyk and Noghai, litsvri in Svan, and qanli qisas in Azerbaijani, to name a few. This social practice expired in most of the region over the twentieth century owing to processes of modernisation and urbanisation. However, it is still commonplace in Chechnya and Ingushetia, two ethnic republics within the Russian Federation (Souleimanov 2007: 24-29)<ref>Souleimanov, E. 2007. An Endless War: The Russian-Chechen Conflict in Perspective. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang</ref>.		Blood revenge – a custom of avenging a grave insult by killing either the offender or his male relatives – has been prevalent in the Caucasus for centuries. Various terms have historically been used across the Caucasus to designate blood revenge or blood feud (that is, a cycle of subsequent blood revenges). These include ch'ir in Chechen, [[ch'ir]] or pkhä in Ingush, bidul k'isas in Avar, öttul kisas or badal in Lak, kanga kan or kanly in Kumyk and Noghai, litsvri in Svan, and qanli qisas in Azerbaijani, to name a few. This social practice expired in most of the region over the twentieth century owing to processes of modernisation and urbanisation. However, it is still commonplace in Chechnya and Ingushetia, two ethnic republics within the Russian Federation (Souleimanov 2007: 24-29)<ref>Souleimanov, E. 2007. An Endless War: The Russian-Chechen Conflict in Perspective. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang</ref>.

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Admin at 12:05, 12 February 2019

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			[[Category:Caucasus]]
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	[[Category:Substantive]]		[[Category:Substantive]]