Schwarzwohnen (GDR) - Revision history

Admin at 13:00, 23 May 2019

2019-05-23T13:00:34Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 13:00, 23 May 2019
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	The mere fact that ''Schwarzwohnen'' was possible to some extent highlights the scope for action within grey zones of authority, and the feasibility of compromises between the state and society in the East German dictatorship. The experience of a weak administration encouraged many ''Schwarzwohner'' to subvert the state’s claim to power in other areas as well, and it is no coincidence that many of them played an active role during the 1989 ‘peaceful revolution’<ref>Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen. Die Unterwanderung der staatlichen Wohnraumlenkung in der DDR, vr unipress, Goettingen 2011</ref>.		The mere fact that ''Schwarzwohnen'' was possible to some extent highlights the scope for action within grey zones of authority, and the feasibility of compromises between the state and society in the East German dictatorship. The experience of a weak administration encouraged many ''Schwarzwohner'' to subvert the state’s claim to power in other areas as well, and it is no coincidence that many of them played an active role during the 1989 ‘peaceful revolution’<ref>Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen. Die Unterwanderung der staatlichen Wohnraumlenkung in der DDR, vr unipress, Goettingen 2011</ref>.


	==References==		==References==
	<references />		<references />

Editor2018 at 15:53, 17 May 2019

2019-05-17T15:53:03Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 15:53, 17 May 2019
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	Living in a flat without state permission was considered an administrative offence in the GDR, because the state claimed the right to entirely determine the allocation of flats. In contrast, most ''Schwarzwohner'' had no sense of guilt in view of the inefficiency of the housing administration. From the late 1960s, the phenomenon of ''Schwarzwohnen'' could be observed in several East German towns with more than 100,000 inhabitants such as Berlin, Dresden, Halle, Jena, Leipzig, Rostock and Schwerin. The vacancy of flats was a consequence of the GDR’s extensive house-building programme. While new districts were built at the periphery, many town centres were left to decay.		Living in a flat without state permission was considered an administrative offence in the GDR, because the state claimed the right to entirely determine the allocation of flats. In contrast, most ''Schwarzwohner'' had no sense of guilt in view of the inefficiency of the housing administration. From the late 1960s, the phenomenon of ''Schwarzwohnen'' could be observed in several East German towns with more than 100,000 inhabitants such as Berlin, Dresden, Halle, Jena, Leipzig, Rostock and Schwerin. The vacancy of flats was a consequence of the GDR’s extensive house-building programme. While new districts were built at the periphery, many town centres were left to decay.

	'Schwarzwohnen'' occurred almost exclusively in older buildings. The living conditions in run-down flats under the roof or in the basement were poor. Students who lived ‘in teardown’ sometimes compared their situation to living in a shanty town. Single young people in particular had almost no chance to be allocated a flat. A large number of young Christians and students practised ''Schwarzwohnen'', but it was not limited to the youth. Divorced wives (including the future German chancellor Angela Merkel), shift workers, families with children and even pensioners illegally occupied flats as well.		''Schwarzwohnen'' occurred almost exclusively in older buildings. The living conditions in run-down flats under the roof or in the basement were poor. Students who lived ‘in teardown’ sometimes compared their situation to living in a shanty town. Single young people in particular had almost no chance to be allocated a flat. A large number of young Christians and students practised ''Schwarzwohnen'', but it was not limited to the youth. Divorced wives (including the future German chancellor Angela Merkel), shift workers, families with children and even pensioners illegally occupied flats as well.

	In contrast with squatters in Western Europe, in most cases ''Schwarzwohnen'' was not carried out as a collective but an individual action. The main concern was to live in one’s own four walls. ''Schwarzwohnen'' was a tacit practice. Attaching a banner at the facade would have caused the immediate end of the illegal housing. As long as the dictatorship was intact, there were no public campaigns, no squatter organisations or informal networks. Most of the occupations were not politically motivated either.		In contrast with squatters in Western Europe, in most cases ''Schwarzwohnen'' was not carried out as a collective but an individual action. The main concern was to live in one’s own four walls. ''Schwarzwohnen'' was a tacit practice. Attaching a banner at the facade would have caused the immediate end of the illegal housing. As long as the dictatorship was intact, there were no public campaigns, no squatter organisations or informal networks. Most of the occupations were not politically motivated either.

Editor2018 at 15:52, 17 May 2019

2019-05-17T15:52:35Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 15:52, 17 May 2019
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	Living in a flat without state permission was considered an administrative offence in the GDR, because the state claimed the right to entirely determine the allocation of flats. In contrast, most ''Schwarzwohner'' had no sense of guilt in view of the inefficiency of the housing administration. From the late 1960s, the phenomenon of ''Schwarzwohnen'' could be observed in several East German towns with more than 100,000 inhabitants such as Berlin, Dresden, Halle, Jena, Leipzig, Rostock and Schwerin. The vacancy of flats was a consequence of the GDR’s extensive house-building programme. While new districts were built at the periphery, many town centres were left to decay.		Living in a flat without state permission was considered an administrative offence in the GDR, because the state claimed the right to entirely determine the allocation of flats. In contrast, most ''Schwarzwohner'' had no sense of guilt in view of the inefficiency of the housing administration. From the late 1960s, the phenomenon of ''Schwarzwohnen'' could be observed in several East German towns with more than 100,000 inhabitants such as Berlin, Dresden, Halle, Jena, Leipzig, Rostock and Schwerin. The vacancy of flats was a consequence of the GDR’s extensive house-building programme. While new districts were built at the periphery, many town centres were left to decay.

	''Schwarzwohnen'' occurred almost exclusively in older buildings. The living conditions in run-down flats under the roof or in the basement were poor. Students who lived ‘in teardown’ sometimes compared their situation to living in a shanty town. Single young people in particular had almost no chance to be allocated a flat. A large number of young Christians and students practised ''Schwarzwohnen'', but it was not limited to the youth. Divorced wives (including the future German chancellor Angela Merkel), shift workers, families with children and even pensioners illegally occupied flats as well.		'Schwarzwohnen'' occurred almost exclusively in older buildings. The living conditions in run-down flats under the roof or in the basement were poor. Students who lived ‘in teardown’ sometimes compared their situation to living in a shanty town. Single young people in particular had almost no chance to be allocated a flat. A large number of young Christians and students practised ''Schwarzwohnen'', but it was not limited to the youth. Divorced wives (including the future German chancellor Angela Merkel), shift workers, families with children and even pensioners illegally occupied flats as well.

	In contrast with squatters in Western Europe, in most cases ''Schwarzwohnen'' was not carried out as a collective but an individual action. The main concern was to live in one’s own four walls. ''Schwarzwohnen'' was a tacit practice. Attaching a banner at the facade would have caused the immediate end of the illegal housing. As long as the dictatorship was intact, there were no public campaigns, no squatter organisations or informal networks. Most of the occupations were not politically motivated either.		In contrast with squatters in Western Europe, in most cases ''Schwarzwohnen'' was not carried out as a collective but an individual action. The main concern was to live in one’s own four walls. ''Schwarzwohnen'' was a tacit practice. Attaching a banner at the facade would have caused the immediate end of the illegal housing. As long as the dictatorship was intact, there were no public campaigns, no squatter organisations or informal networks. Most of the occupations were not politically motivated either.

Editor2018 at 15:52, 17 May 2019

2019-05-17T15:52:05Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 15:52, 17 May 2019
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	Living in a flat without state permission was considered an administrative offence in the GDR, because the state claimed the right to entirely determine the allocation of flats. In contrast, most ''Schwarzwohner'' had no sense of guilt in view of the inefficiency of the housing administration. From the late 1960s, the phenomenon of ''Schwarzwohnen'' could be observed in several East German towns with more than 100,000 inhabitants such as Berlin, Dresden, Halle, Jena, Leipzig, Rostock and Schwerin. The vacancy of flats was a consequence of the GDR’s extensive house-building programme. While new districts were built at the periphery, many town centres were left to decay.		Living in a flat without state permission was considered an administrative offence in the GDR, because the state claimed the right to entirely determine the allocation of flats. In contrast, most ''Schwarzwohner'' had no sense of guilt in view of the inefficiency of the housing administration. From the late 1960s, the phenomenon of ''Schwarzwohnen'' could be observed in several East German towns with more than 100,000 inhabitants such as Berlin, Dresden, Halle, Jena, Leipzig, Rostock and Schwerin. The vacancy of flats was a consequence of the GDR’s extensive house-building programme. While new districts were built at the periphery, many town centres were left to decay.

	'Schwarzwohnen'' occurred almost exclusively in older buildings. The living conditions in run-down flats under the roof or in the basement were poor. Students who lived ‘in teardown’ sometimes compared their situation to living in a shanty town. Single young people in particular had almost no chance to be allocated a flat. A large number of young Christians and students practised ''Schwarzwohnen'', but it was not limited to the youth. Divorced wives (including the future German chancellor Angela Merkel), shift workers, families with children and even pensioners illegally occupied flats as well.		''Schwarzwohnen'' occurred almost exclusively in older buildings. The living conditions in run-down flats under the roof or in the basement were poor. Students who lived ‘in teardown’ sometimes compared their situation to living in a shanty town. Single young people in particular had almost no chance to be allocated a flat. A large number of young Christians and students practised ''Schwarzwohnen'', but it was not limited to the youth. Divorced wives (including the future German chancellor Angela Merkel), shift workers, families with children and even pensioners illegally occupied flats as well.

	In contrast with squatters in Western Europe, in most cases ''Schwarzwohnen'' was not carried out as a collective but an individual action. The main concern was to live in one’s own four walls. ''Schwarzwohnen'' was a tacit practice. Attaching a banner at the facade would have caused the immediate end of the illegal housing. As long as the dictatorship was intact, there were no public campaigns, no squatter organisations or informal networks. Most of the occupations were not politically motivated either.		In contrast with squatters in Western Europe, in most cases ''Schwarzwohnen'' was not carried out as a collective but an individual action. The main concern was to live in one’s own four walls. ''Schwarzwohnen'' was a tacit practice. Attaching a banner at the facade would have caused the immediate end of the illegal housing. As long as the dictatorship was intact, there were no public campaigns, no squatter organisations or informal networks. Most of the occupations were not politically motivated either.

Editor2018 at 15:51, 17 May 2019

2019-05-17T15:51:22Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 15:51, 17 May 2019
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	[[File:Photograph of an occupied flat.png\|200px\|thumb\|left\|Photograph of an occupied flat in Rostock in the 1980s. This image is used to depict the informal practice of Schwarzwohnen. Artist: Cornelia Ogilvie]]		[[File:Photograph of an occupied flat.png\|200px\|thumb\|left\|Photograph of an occupied flat in Rostock in the 1980s. This image is used to depict the informal practice of Schwarzwohnen. Artist: Cornelia Ogilvie]]

	Living in a flat without state permission was considered an administrative offence in the GDR, because the state claimed the right to entirely determine the allocation of flats. In contrast, most ''Schwarzwohner'' had no sense of guilt in view of the inefficiency of the housing administration. From the late 1960s, the phenomenon of ''Schwarzwohnen'' could be observed in several East German towns with more than 100,000 inhabitants such as Berlin, Dresden, Halle, Jena, Leipzig, Rostock and Schwerin. The vacancy of flats was a consequence of the GDR’s extensive house-building programme. While new districts were built at the periphery, many town centres were left to decay. ''Schwarzwohnen'' occurred almost exclusively in older buildings. The living conditions in run-down flats under the roof or in the basement were poor. Students who lived ‘in teardown’ sometimes compared their situation to living in a shanty town. Single young people in particular had almost no chance to be allocated a flat. A large number of young Christians and students practised ''Schwarzwohnen'', but it was not limited to the youth. Divorced wives (including the future German chancellor Angela Merkel), shift workers, families with children and even pensioners illegally occupied flats as well.		Living in a flat without state permission was considered an administrative offence in the GDR, because the state claimed the right to entirely determine the allocation of flats. In contrast, most ''Schwarzwohner'' had no sense of guilt in view of the inefficiency of the housing administration. From the late 1960s, the phenomenon of ''Schwarzwohnen'' could be observed in several East German towns with more than 100,000 inhabitants such as Berlin, Dresden, Halle, Jena, Leipzig, Rostock and Schwerin. The vacancy of flats was a consequence of the GDR’s extensive house-building programme. While new districts were built at the periphery, many town centres were left to decay.

			'Schwarzwohnen'' occurred almost exclusively in older buildings. The living conditions in run-down flats under the roof or in the basement were poor. Students who lived ‘in teardown’ sometimes compared their situation to living in a shanty town. Single young people in particular had almost no chance to be allocated a flat. A large number of young Christians and students practised ''Schwarzwohnen'', but it was not limited to the youth. Divorced wives (including the future German chancellor Angela Merkel), shift workers, families with children and even pensioners illegally occupied flats as well.

	In contrast with squatters in Western Europe, in most cases ''Schwarzwohnen'' was not carried out as a collective but an individual action. The main concern was to live in one’s own four walls. ''Schwarzwohnen'' was a tacit practice. Attaching a banner at the facade would have caused the immediate end of the illegal housing. As long as the dictatorship was intact, there were no public campaigns, no squatter organisations or informal networks. Most of the occupations were not politically motivated either.		In contrast with squatters in Western Europe, in most cases ''Schwarzwohnen'' was not carried out as a collective but an individual action. The main concern was to live in one’s own four walls. ''Schwarzwohnen'' was a tacit practice. Attaching a banner at the facade would have caused the immediate end of the illegal housing. As long as the dictatorship was intact, there were no public campaigns, no squatter organisations or informal networks. Most of the occupations were not politically motivated either.

Editor2018 at 10:14, 17 May 2019

2019-05-17T10:14:50Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 10:14, 17 May 2019
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	{{infobox		{{infobox
	\| nameofpractice = Schwarzwohnen		\| nameofpractice =Schwarzwohnen
	\| ~~location~~ = German Democratic Republic		\| flagemoji = 🇩🇪
	\| imagemap = GDR map.png		\| definition =Lit. ‘black living’, the illegal occupation of accommodation in the German Democratic Republic
	\| ~~imageflag~~ = ~~GDR flag.png~~		\| location =GDR
	\| authorofpiece = Udo Grashoff		\| imagemap =GDR map.png
	\| authorinstitution = School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London		\| clusters =
	}}		[[:Category:Market\|Market]] – [[:Category: Functional ambivalence\| Functional ambivalence]] – [[:Category: System made me do it\| System made me do it]] – [[:Category: Survival\| Survival]] – [[:Category: Informal dwelling\| Informal dwelling]]
			\| categories =
	'''''~~Original Text:~~ Udo Grashoff, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London'''''		[[:Category:Germany\|Germany]] – [[:Category: Europe\| Europe]] – [[:Category: EU\| EU]] – [[:Category: Squatting\| Squatting]] – [[:Category: Urban\| Urban]] – [[:Category: Migration\| Migration]]
			\| authorofpiece =Udo Grashoff
	~~<div~~ class="~~toccolours mw~~-~~collapsible mw~~-~~collapsed~~">		\| authorinstitution =School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London, UK
	''Schwarzwohnen'' referred to illegal flat occupation in the German Democratic Republic. The literal meaning is ‘black (i.e. illegal) living’. The term denoted the undermining of the state allocation of housing by unsanctioned occupation, and thus effectively meant ‘squatting’ in the context of the East German communist regime.		\| authorwebsite =[https://www.ucl.ac.uk/ssees/people/udo-grashoff Profile page at UCL]}}
			<big>'''By Udo Grashoff, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London, UK'''</big>
			[[Category:Market]]
			[[Category: Functional ambivalence]]
			[[Category: System made me do it]]
			[[Category: Survival]]
			[[Category: Informal dwelling]]
			[[Category:Germany]]
			[[Category: Europe]]
			[[Category: EU]]
			[[Category: Squatting]]
			[[Category: Urban]]
			[[Category: Migration]]
			[[Category:Entry]]
			[[Category: Volume 2]]
			[[Category: SSEES]]
			{\| class="wikitable"
			\|-
			\|style="font-size:1.1em;"\| ''Schwarzwohnen'' referred to illegal flat occupation in the German Democratic Republic. The literal meaning is ‘black (i.e. illegal) living’. The term denoted the undermining of the state allocation of housing by unsanctioned occupation, and thus effectively meant ‘squatting’ in the context of the East German communist regime.

	A small minority of flat occupants rejected the term ''Schwarzwohnen'' because of the similar term ''Schwarzfahren'', which means fare dodging on public transport. Nevertheless, ''Schwarzwohnen'' was widely used in the GDR by ''Schwarzwohner'' (those illegally occupying the accommodation) and administration staff as well <ref>Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen. Die Unterwanderung der staatlichen Wohnraumlenkung in der DDR, vr unipress, Goettingen 2011</ref>. Besides ''Schwarzwohnen'', other denominations were ''Leben im Abriss'' (living in teardown) and ''Wohnungsbesetzung'' (flat occupation). The latter term predominated in East Berlin, probably due to the proximity to the ''Hausbesetzerbewegung'' (squatter movement) in West Berlin. Also, in some parts of the GDR the term ''Erhaltungswohnen'' (maintenance habitation) was in use.		A small minority of flat occupants rejected the term ''Schwarzwohnen'' because of the similar term ''Schwarzfahren'', which means fare dodging on public transport. Nevertheless, ''Schwarzwohnen'' was widely used in the GDR by ''Schwarzwohner'' (those illegally occupying the accommodation) and administration staff as well <ref>Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen. Die Unterwanderung der staatlichen Wohnraumlenkung in der DDR, vr unipress, Goettingen 2011</ref>. Besides ''Schwarzwohnen'', other denominations were ''Leben im Abriss'' (living in teardown) and ''Wohnungsbesetzung'' (flat occupation). The latter term predominated in East Berlin, probably due to the proximity to the ''Hausbesetzerbewegung'' (squatter movement) in West Berlin. Also, in some parts of the GDR the term ''Erhaltungswohnen'' (maintenance habitation) was in use.
			\|}

	~~<div class="mw-collapsible-content">~~		Despite the fact that ''Schwarzwohnen'' emerged at about the same time as the [[squatting]] movement in Western European countries such as Netherlands, Denmark and West Germany (1960s/early 1970s)<ref>Squatting Europe Kollective (ed.): Squatting in Europe: Radical Spaces, Urban Struggles, Minor Compositions, Wivenhoe/New York/Port Watson 2013</ref>, there were significant differences between the two concepts. ''Schwarzwohnen'' was closely linked to the forced administration of habitation in the post-war period (although a precursory term, ''Schwarzmieter'', can be traced back to the first years of Weimar Republic<ref>Karl Christian Fuehrer: Mieter, Hausbesitzer, Staat und Wohnungsmarkt. Wohnungsmangel und Wohnungszwangsbewirtschaftung in Deutschland 1914–1960, Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 1995</ref>). From the 1950s the post-war emergency measure of forced administration of flats became permanent in the GDR (''Wohnraumlenkungsverordnung'', 1955 and 1967).

	Despite the fact that ''Schwarzwohnen'' emerged at about the same time as the squatting movement in Western European countries such as Netherlands, Denmark and West Germany (1960s/early 1970s)<ref>Squatting Europe Kollective (ed.): Squatting in Europe: Radical Spaces, Urban Struggles, Minor Compositions, Wivenhoe/New York/Port Watson 2013</ref>, there were significant differences between the two concepts. ''Schwarzwohnen'' was closely linked to the forced administration of habitation in the post-war period (although a precursory term, ''Schwarzmieter'', can be traced back to the first years of Weimar Republic<ref>Karl Christian Fuehrer: Mieter, Hausbesitzer, Staat und Wohnungsmarkt. Wohnungsmangel und Wohnungszwangsbewirtschaftung in Deutschland 1914–1960, Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 1995</ref>). From the 1950s the post-war emergency measure of forced administration of flats became permanent in the GDR (''Wohnraumlenkungsverordnung'', 1955 and 1967).

	[[File:Photograph of an occupied flat.png\|200px\|thumb\|left\|Photograph of an occupied flat in Rostock in the 1980s. This image is used to depict the informal practice of Schwarzwohnen. Artist: Cornelia Ogilvie]]		[[File:Photograph of an occupied flat.png\|200px\|thumb\|left\|Photograph of an occupied flat in Rostock in the 1980s. This image is used to depict the informal practice of Schwarzwohnen. Artist: Cornelia Ogilvie]]
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	The mere fact that ''Schwarzwohnen'' was possible to some extent highlights the scope for action within grey zones of authority, and the feasibility of compromises between the state and society in the East German dictatorship. The experience of a weak administration encouraged many ''Schwarzwohner'' to subvert the state’s claim to power in other areas as well, and it is no coincidence that many of them played an active role during the 1989 ‘peaceful revolution’<ref>Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen. Die Unterwanderung der staatlichen Wohnraumlenkung in der DDR, vr unipress, Goettingen 2011</ref>.		The mere fact that ''Schwarzwohnen'' was possible to some extent highlights the scope for action within grey zones of authority, and the feasibility of compromises between the state and society in the East German dictatorship. The experience of a weak administration encouraged many ''Schwarzwohner'' to subvert the state’s claim to power in other areas as well, and it is no coincidence that many of them played an active role during the 1989 ‘peaceful revolution’<ref>Udo Grashoff: Schwarzwohnen. Die Unterwanderung der staatlichen Wohnraumlenkung in der DDR, vr unipress, Goettingen 2011</ref>.
	~~</div>~~
	~~</div>~~

	==~~Notes~~==
			==References==
	<references />		<references />

	~~[[Category:Informal Practices]]~~
	~~[[Category:GDR]]~~
	~~[[Category: Germany]]~~
	~~[[Category:Europe]]~~
	~~[[Category:Informal dwelling]]~~
	~~[[Category:Functional]]~~
	~~[[Category:Survival]]~~
	~~[[Category: Squatting]]~~
	~~[[Category:Entry]]~~

Admin at 18:16, 11 February 2019

2019-02-11T18:16:35Z

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	[[Category:Informal Practices]]		[[Category:Informal Practices]]
	[[Category:GDR]]		[[Category:GDR]]
			[[Category: Germany]]
	[[Category:Europe]]		[[Category:Europe]]
	[[Category:Informal dwelling]]		[[Category:Informal dwelling]]

Admin at 14:56, 8 October 2018

2018-10-08T14:56:43Z

← Older revision		Revision as of 14:56, 8 October 2018
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	[[Category:Functional]]		[[Category:Functional]]
	[[Category:Survival]]		[[Category:Survival]]
			[[Category: Squatting]]
	[[Category:Entry]]		[[Category:Entry]]

Admin at 13:04, 3 July 2018

2018-07-03T13:04:47Z

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	[[Category:Functional]]		[[Category:Functional]]
	[[Category:Survival]]		[[Category:Survival]]
			[[Category:Entry]]

Admin: Admin moved page Schwarzwohnen to Schwarzwohnen (GDR) without leaving a redirect

2018-06-01T11:44:18Z

Admin moved page Schwarzwohnen to Schwarzwohnen (GDR) without leaving a redirect

← Older revision	Revision as of 11:44, 1 June 2018
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