Birzha (Georgia)

Original Text: Costanza Curro, PhD candidate in Social Anthropology at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London

Birzha refers to a group of male teenagers or young men who meet regularly in open spaces (squares, courtyards, basements), mostly in urban areas.

In standard Russian language the term literally means “stock exchange”. However, the Dictionary of Georgian slang (Bregadze 2005) defines an alternative meaning of birzha as “an outdoor gathering of idle youth”. The reference to the financial world is somewhat ironic as the participants are generally economically inactive; on the other hand, valueable exchange does take place in birzha, but of social capital rather than financial capital. In Russian language another slang extension to the meaning of the term birzha dates back to the nineteenth century, and refers to a place where people wait for a temporary job (Dal’ 1955, in Zakharova 2010).

As a fundamental space of socialisation for young males, birzha is thought to be a specifically Georgian phenomenon. The author’s fieldwork has revealed that young people from neighbouring post-Soviet countries (Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan) define local understandings of the word birzha through the meaning of “stock exchange”, with no reference to street youth.

Research on birzha is linked to sociological and anthropological analyses of “street corner societies”, mainly based on ethnographies of American ethnically-defined urban areas (most often inhabited by Afro- and Latino-American communities) and “Mediterranean cultures” (Anderson 1999, Whyte 1943). As in Tbilisi’s neighbourhoods, in the Mediterranean model “the street” is an essential function of identification and rootedness within local communities (Garot 2007). Conversely, in the American context belonging to “street corner society” entails social and economic marginalisation (Zakharova 2010). Similarities (especially regarding masculinity and reliance on social networks) can also be found with American “good old boys” (Farr 1988).

Every neighbourhood (ubani, kvartali) has its birzha, regardless of the social and economic prestige of the area. Similarly, the right to be part of birzha is given by birth to all males, regardless of differences in ethnicity, religion, and socio-economic status. Birzha is considered as the principal school of masculinity, as well as an essential stage in the transition from teen age to manhood. Children become increasingly involved in birzha up to the end of school. However, this time can be extended, especially for young men struggling to find an occupation (working or studying).

Every male is expected to be familiar with the set of norms regulating street life. Such norms, whose key points are honour, honesty, manly attitudes and respect for the elderly, are framed and enacted within a strict hierarchy of roles and identities. The top of the hierarchy is constituted by dzveli bichi (“old boys”) – the most important figures in street communities and the main source of authority in birzha. Dzveli bichi are teenagers or young men, who typically are aiming for a career in the criminal world (Finckenauer & Kelly 1992). Key features of dzveli bichi are: utter disregard for official rules and authorities; mastery of street norms; proneness to solve conflicts through violent means; prison experience. Dzveli bichi status is regarded as the first step in a criminal hierarchy culminating with the figure of vor v zakone (in Georgian kanonieri kurdi, “thief in law” (Slade 2014, Frisby 1998)). The other categories making up street hierarchy – patiosani bichi (“honest boy”) and dedikos bichi (“mummy’s boy”) – differ from dvzeli bichi inasmuch as they do not have aspirations towards criminal activities. However, while the former are generally manly men, able to use violence if needed, the latter are powerless victims, often associated with homosexuality (Zakharova 2010).

Birzha members rely upon each other through ties of unquestioned trust and mutual respect. They refer to each other as dzmakatsi; dzma, “brother”, and katsi, “man”, indicates a stronger and manlier relationship than the neutral megobari, “friend” (Frederiksen 2013, 2012). The duty of dzmakatsi is to always be at each other's side, offering unconditional support, especially in conflict situations with a potentially violent outcome.

As the financial origin of the term suggests, birzha is underpinned by reciprocal exchange and the ongoing interaction of individuals. Social networks arising from birzha provide people with long-lasting human connections, which are a source of informal social and economic support. Deals of various sizes and legality are conducted within birzha: from the purchase and exchange of goods such as clothes, accessories, cigarettes, mobile phones, to the offering of “favours of access” (short term informal working positions, introduction to potentially useful individuals, and so on). The latter use of birzha can be compared to the Soviet phenomenon of blat, the “use of informal contacts and personal networks to obtain goods and services in short supply” (Ledeneva 1998).

Birzha is also related to the ubiquitous practice of Georgian hospitality. Both phenomena are underpinned by exchange networks of relatives, friends and neighbours. Moreover, birzha itself is often structured as a hospitable event. Birzha is shaped by everyday activities such as sharing a bottle of vodka in the street while nibbling smoked fish and sunflower seeds, or drinking homemade wine in a basement or a courtyard. The traditional path of more formal hospitable events (supra) are followed, reproducing speech, gestures, and attitudes, especially with regard to the structured process of toasting and drinking. For this reason, birzha can be considered a veritable expression of “street hospitality” in Georgian urban areas.

Research shows that the main reasons underpinning young people’s participation in birzha are unemployment and, most importantly, protest against the state (Zakharova 2010, Finckenauer & Kelly 1992). Birzha is a form socialisation alternative to, and conflicting with, official institutions. Birzha provides young Georgians with moral and social norms which are radically different to those gained from school, the Church, and even the family. During the period of Soviet communist rule, being actively involved in birzha was incompatible with being a member of official organisations such as the Komsomol (Young Communist League). Moreover, as the potential first rung of an ascending criminal career, birzha is the embryonic stage of informal dynamics which both compete with and threaten official public institutions and the rule of law.

During his decade in power (2003-2013), President Saakashvili’s initiatives against organised crime, corruption, and informal practices in general, included efforts to tackle juvenile delinquency and youth street communities (Shelley et al. 2007). In their official discourse, the Georgian authorities drew clear links between organised crime and the shadow economy on the one hand, and dzveli bichi and ubani street groups on the other (Slade 2012). Through tighter laws, harsh punishments (including jail sentences) and stricter control on ubani and schools, the government has reduced the practice of birzha to some extent (Zakharova 2010).

In recent years, birzha has begun to decline in social significance. Belonging to street communities is viewed as less important than before by many Georgians, who look to other values (politics, family, career, consumerism), often regarding birzha as a backward heritage from the chaotic period of the late 1980s and 1990s. Geographical and social mobility has increased, displacing individuals from native neighbourhoods (Zakharova 2010). This is particularly true for the new upper and middle classes, which are emerging as a result of growing social and economic inequality (Roberts & Pollock 2009). Thus, birzha is now increasingly becoming limited to disadvantaged neighbourhoods.