Difference between revisions of "Inmaek/ Yonjul (South Korea)"

In the West, the age of Enlightenment promoted a rational fact-based scientific approach to problem solving and in parallel, Christian ideals supported inclusion and open communities based on the ideals of mercy and charity. In Korea, scholars regard shamanism as the first spiritual belief to have had a deep influence on the Korean mentality (Choe 2007 <ref>Choe, S.-H. 2007. 'Shamanism enjoys revival in techno-savvy South Korea. ''New York Times'', 7 July, http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/07/world/asia/07korea.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0</ref>; Seo 2013<ref>Seo, J. 2013. ''The Role of Shamanism in Korean Society in its Inter- and Intra-Cultural Contacts''. Tartu, Estonia: University of Tartu Press. </ref>). Shamanism establishes a transcendental connection between nature and its creatures. According to Hahm (1986 <ref>Hahm, P. C. 1986. ''Korean Jurisprudence Politics and Culture''. Seoul: Yonsei University Press</ref>), ‘the individual was always considered to be in a partially interlocking or mutually interpenetrating position with other human beings as well as the Material World. The individual was always viewed in the context of his affection network’ (Hahm 1986: 286 <ref>Hahm, P. C. 1986. ''Korean Jurisprudence Politics and Culture''. Seoul: Yonsei University Press</ref>). Confucian ethical philosophies, later introduced to Korea, are compatible with the shamanistic mind-set. Confucianism essentially proposes an order principle that regulates relationships between interconnected people according to family principles, rather than between persons exercising individual rights. In Confucianism, family-like morals are extended to other social relationships in a society, for instance, between business leaders and employees, professors and students, or between friends. To establish community spirit based on family values, an intimate or emotional bond is necessary.   

In the West, the age of Enlightenment promoted a rational fact-based scientific approach to problem solving and in parallel, Christian ideals supported inclusion and open communities based on the ideals of mercy and charity. In Korea, scholars regard shamanism as the first spiritual belief to have had a deep influence on the Korean mentality (Choe 2007 <ref>Choe, S.-H. 2007. 'Shamanism enjoys revival in techno-savvy South Korea. ''New York Times'', 7 July, http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/07/world/asia/07korea.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0</ref>; Seo 2013<ref>Seo, J. 2013. ''The Role of Shamanism in Korean Society in its Inter- and Intra-Cultural Contacts''. Tartu, Estonia: University of Tartu Press. </ref>). Shamanism establishes a transcendental connection between nature and its creatures. According to Hahm (1986 <ref>Hahm, P. C. 1986. ''Korean Jurisprudence Politics and Culture''. Seoul: Yonsei University Press</ref>), ‘the individual was always considered to be in a partially interlocking or mutually interpenetrating position with other human beings as well as the Material World. The individual was always viewed in the context of his affection network’ (Hahm 1986: 286 <ref>Hahm, P. C. 1986. ''Korean Jurisprudence Politics and Culture''. Seoul: Yonsei University Press</ref>). Confucian ethical philosophies, later introduced to Korea, are compatible with the shamanistic mind-set. Confucianism essentially proposes an order principle that regulates relationships between interconnected people according to family principles, rather than between persons exercising individual rights. In Confucianism, family-like morals are extended to other social relationships in a society, for instance, between business leaders and employees, professors and students, or between friends. To establish community spirit based on family values, an intimate or emotional bond is necessary.   

''Inmaek'' establishes an emotional bond between people and emphasises sociability as the essence of humanity. It describes social ties between two or more people in a network, connected either directly, or indirectly through others. A direct connection implies a stronger tie, whereas an indirect connection is considered weaker. A direct connection can easily be established (and instrumentalised as required) by means of an indirect connection which already exists through informal group membership. Quantitative measuring of the strengths of informal ties is problematic, as such ties may be dormant, invisible or regarded as a highly private subject (Ledeneva 1998<ref>Ledeneva, A. V. 1998. ''Russia’s Economy of Favours: Blat, Networking, and Informal Exchange''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. </ref>). Accordingly, whether ''inmaek'' ties can be considered strong becomes an empirical question. However, scholars assume that both contact frequency and duration are important variables in determining the strength of ''inmaek'' ties. Furthermore, reciprocal actions are important in the maintenance of ''inmaek'' ties. Examples of this include the trading of information that is not publically available, an exchange of favours, or one of a variety of other unregulated exchanges (Yee 2015<ref>Yee, J. 2015. 'Social Capital in Korea: Relational Capital, Trust, and Transparency', ''International Journal of Japanese Sociology'', 24(1): 30–47</ref>). While interpersonal interactions are generally embedded in Confucian ethics, '' inmaek'' requires adherence to particularistic ethics in specific contexts. These include loyalty and acceptance of patronage within the principles of the social hierarchy determined by Confucian norms of behaviour. Dyadic and network-based ''inmaek'' relationships follow quasi-family ideals that distinguish them from relationships with outsiders. Similar to the divisive principles of ''yonjul'' (see ''yonjul'' in this volume), insiders are viewed as quasi-family members and are treated with benevolence and care, whereas outsiders do not receive special attention. ''Inmaek'' implies a moral obligation to the group; more successful members are compelled by peer pressure to help less successful members (Yee 2015<ref> Yee, J. 2015. 'Social Capital in Korea: Relational Capital, Trust, and Transparency', ''International Journal of Japanese Sociology'', 24(1): 30–47. </ref>). ''Inmaek'' is often used with good intentions, for example to help less fortunate people secure a job or promotion, although this sometimes results in the employment of persons who lack suitable qualifications or skills.  In principle ''inmaek'' ties can be seen as positive relational capital as they are open to new members, promote the advancement of communities, and feature mutual help and social exchange – thus, ''inmaek'' has the potential to promote public good. Conversely, ''inmaek'' can become a negative force if it results in communities of small exclusive cliques that support each other for personal gain at a cost to others, acting in opposition to universal codes of conduct.   

''Inmaek'' establishes an emotional bond between people and emphasises sociability as the essence of humanity. It describes social ties between two or more people in a network, connected either directly, or indirectly through others. A direct connection implies a stronger tie, whereas an indirect connection is considered weaker. A direct connection can easily be established (and instrumentalised as required) by means of an indirect connection which already exists through informal group membership. Quantitative measuring of the strengths of informal ties is problematic, as such ties may be dormant, invisible or regarded as a highly private subject (Ledeneva 1998<ref>Ledeneva, A. V. 1998. ''Russia’s Economy of Favours: Blat, Networking, and Informal Exchange''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. </ref>). Accordingly, whether ''inmaek'' ties can be considered strong becomes an empirical question. However, scholars assume that both contact frequency and duration are important variables in determining the strength of ''inmaek'' ties. Furthermore, reciprocal actions are important in the maintenance of ''inmaek'' ties. Examples of this include the trading of information that is not publically available, an exchange of favours, or one of a variety of other unregulated exchanges (Yee 2015<ref>Yee, J. 2015. 'Social Capital in Korea: Relational Capital, Trust, and Transparency', ''International Journal of Japanese Sociology'', 24(1): 30–47</ref>). While interpersonal interactions are generally embedded in Confucian ethics, '' inmaek'' requires adherence to particularistic ethics in specific contexts. These include loyalty and acceptance of patronage within the principles of the social hierarchy determined by Confucian norms of behaviour. Dyadic and network-based ''inmaek'' relationships follow quasi-family ideals that distinguish them from relationships with outsiders. Similar to the divisive principles of ''yonjul'' (see ''yonjul'' in this volume), insiders are viewed as quasi-family members and are treated with benevolence and care, whereas outsiders do not receive special attention. ''Inmaek'' implies a moral obligation to the group; more successful members are compelled by peer pressure to help less successful members (Yee 2015<ref> Yee, J. 2015. 'Social Capital in Korea: Relational Capital, Trust, and Transparency', ''International Journal of Japanese Sociology'', 24(1): 30–47. </ref>). ''Inmaek'' is often used with good intentions, for example to help less fortunate people secure a job or promotion, although this sometimes results in the employment of persons who lack suitable qualifications or skills.  In principle ''inmaek'' ties can be seen as positive relational capital as they are open to new members, promote the advancement of communities, and feature mutual help and social exchange – thus, ''inmaek'' has the potential to promote public good. Conversely, ''inmaek'' can become a negative force if it results in communities of small exclusive cliques that support each other for personal gain at a cost to others, acting in opposition to universal codes of conduct.