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Difference between revisions of "Mulas (Cuba)"
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* restricted possibility of traveling freely anywhere in the world, which makes more difficult for common citizens to travel and purchase the goods for themselves; and | * restricted possibility of traveling freely anywhere in the world, which makes more difficult for common citizens to travel and purchase the goods for themselves; and | ||
* lack of access to e-commerce platforms. | * lack of access to e-commerce platforms. | ||
[[File:mula_pic.jpg|thumb|400px|left|A sign celebrating the 50th Anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, Old Havana. Source: Concetta Russo. © Concetta Russo.]] | |||
In the 1970s, the term ''mula'' was colloquially used to allude to a form of kinship-based commodity circulation. It referred to those Cubans who imported goods to the island while living abroad, bringing all kinds of products on request and selling them for profit that covered their travel. This practice, common to most countries with socialist past, is still in place in Cuba. In fact, it constitutes a substantial part of the flow of goods and circulation of items between Cuba and predominantly the United States. The scale of the practice is estimated at 50 percent of remittance transfers that also points to the strength of the Cuban diaspora ties for the island’s entrepreneurship (Hansing and Orozco 2014). | In the 1970s, the term ''mula'' was colloquially used to allude to a form of kinship-based commodity circulation. It referred to those Cubans who imported goods to the island while living abroad, bringing all kinds of products on request and selling them for profit that covered their travel. This practice, common to most countries with socialist past, is still in place in Cuba. In fact, it constitutes a substantial part of the flow of goods and circulation of items between Cuba and predominantly the United States. The scale of the practice is estimated at 50 percent of remittance transfers that also points to the strength of the Cuban diaspora ties for the island’s entrepreneurship (Hansing and Orozco 2014). | ||
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A complex coordination network between stores, hotels, hostels, rental houses targeting Cuban ''mulas'' has been operational in the receiving countries. The groups of informal couriers have become the main suppliers for both small businesses and common citizens. ''Negociantes'' take care of the whole process, from soliciting visas, if needed, to arranging all aspects of ''mulas’'' stay in a foreign country, such as accommodation and transport from and to the airport. They buy or rent seasonal clothes for their team of ''mulas'' so that they can travel without personal items and use the luggage allowance for business instead. Being a ''negociante'' involves not only an investment of a substantial financial capital, but also a mastery of equally substantial ''confianza'' (trust from familiarity), the ''negociantes’'' social capital. | A complex coordination network between stores, hotels, hostels, rental houses targeting Cuban ''mulas'' has been operational in the receiving countries. The groups of informal couriers have become the main suppliers for both small businesses and common citizens. ''Negociantes'' take care of the whole process, from soliciting visas, if needed, to arranging all aspects of ''mulas’'' stay in a foreign country, such as accommodation and transport from and to the airport. They buy or rent seasonal clothes for their team of ''mulas'' so that they can travel without personal items and use the luggage allowance for business instead. Being a ''negociante'' involves not only an investment of a substantial financial capital, but also a mastery of equally substantial ''confianza'' (trust from familiarity), the ''negociantes’'' social capital. | ||
Opinions on profiling ''mulas'' differ significantly. In author’s research, ''mulas'' tend to be women, while Cearns emphasizes the role of young men, who start as ''mulas'' while aiming to become ''negociantes'' (Cearns 2019: 888). Similar to the discussion of gender roles in post-socialist shuttle trading around [[chelnoki]], the roles that require mass border crossing involve women, while ''negociantes'', the ''mula''-bosses who are in charge of organizing the trip and protecting the team members, are more likely to be men. | Opinions on profiling ''mulas'' differ significantly. In author’s research, ''mulas'' tend to be women, while Cearns emphasizes the role of young men, who start as ''mulas'' while aiming to become ''negociantes'' (Cearns 2019: 888). Similar to the discussion of gender roles in post-socialist shuttle trading around [[chelnoki]], the roles that require mass border crossing involve women, while ''negociantes'', the ''mula''-bosses who are in charge of organizing the trip and protecting the team members, are more likely to be men. | ||
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''Mulas'' can import only a limited amount of goods into the country (up to 120 lbs each) and pay import tax on arrival. Once imported, these goods find customers informally in all classes of society and are sold without income tax or regulation of price, quality or quantity. The connivance of the state with those forms of ‘unreported economy’, as the Cuban scholar Mayra Espina defined them, is paradigmatic in the way the government exploits the ''mula'' system (Espina 2010). By collecting heavy tariffs, the government directly profits from this system of importation. Indirectly, the government benefits from the fact that people’s needs, that the government is not capable of satisfying formally, are being satisfied informally. By allowing the importation and turning a blind eye on reselling the US-embargoed goods on the shadow market, the state is able to overcome some of the limitations of the restricted access of its citizens to the international market (Russo 2018). | ''Mulas'' can import only a limited amount of goods into the country (up to 120 lbs each) and pay import tax on arrival. Once imported, these goods find customers informally in all classes of society and are sold without income tax or regulation of price, quality or quantity. The connivance of the state with those forms of ‘unreported economy’, as the Cuban scholar Mayra Espina defined them, is paradigmatic in the way the government exploits the ''mula'' system (Espina 2010). By collecting heavy tariffs, the government directly profits from this system of importation. Indirectly, the government benefits from the fact that people’s needs, that the government is not capable of satisfying formally, are being satisfied informally. By allowing the importation and turning a blind eye on reselling the US-embargoed goods on the shadow market, the state is able to overcome some of the limitations of the restricted access of its citizens to the international market (Russo 2018). | ||
The international circulation of goods put in place by the ''mula'' system has been compared to the [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kula_ring ''<nowiki>kula</nowiki>'' ring] ‘as a lens onto strategies of creating personhood and expanding social worlds through transnational circulation networks of material items’ (Cearns 2019: 873). Observing these informal practices offers an opportunity to understand how peripheral economies work (Portes 1983). Indeed, the ''mula'' ring, as Ceans defines it, does not only affect the circulation of commodities in Cuba, but also acquires a moderate and sometimes considerable impact on the receiving countries too, thus challenging the idea of Cuba being an isolated country. For instance, almost one thousand Cubans travel to Guyana each week, and they purchase goods for the estimated annual amount of GYD$400 million (US$2 million), producing a large impact on the local economy (Semple 2016). | The international circulation of goods put in place by the ''mula'' system has been compared to the [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kula_ring ''<nowiki>kula</nowiki>'' ring] (Malinowski 1922) ‘as a lens onto strategies of creating personhood and expanding social worlds through transnational circulation networks of material items’ (Cearns 2019: 873). Observing these informal practices offers an opportunity to understand how peripheral economies work (Portes 1983). Indeed, the ''mula'' ring, as Ceans defines it, does not only affect the circulation of commodities in Cuba, but also acquires a moderate and sometimes considerable impact on the receiving countries too, thus challenging the idea of Cuba being an isolated country. For instance, almost one thousand Cubans travel to Guyana each week, and they purchase goods for the estimated annual amount of GYD$400 million (US$2 million), producing a large impact on the local economy (Semple 2016). | ||
Albeit the ''mulas'' play a crucial role for being engaged in imports, they are also involved in some export activities. The latter include transporting artefacts and other paraphernalia connected with the Santeria rituals. The Santeria rituals are an Afro-Caribbean religion counting several practitioners in Cuba and in the US, Mexico and Puerto Rico, essential to the embedded nature of the Cuban informal economy (Holbraad 2004). The ''mula''s also export tobacco, rum and local ''artesania'' (craftsmanship), such as a typical Cuban rocking chair in wood, or wood carved sculptures, which have come to constitute a distinctive sign in the houses of Cuban diasporas. The ‘transnational networks’ (Tilly 2007) put in place by the ''mula'' system play an important role not only in the constant negotiation between the socialist state and its citizens about the value and distribution of commodities but also in corroborating the representation of Cuban material identity outside the country. | Albeit the ''mulas'' play a crucial role for being engaged in imports, they are also involved in some export activities. The latter include transporting artefacts and other paraphernalia connected with the Santeria rituals. The Santeria rituals are an Afro-Caribbean religion counting several practitioners in Cuba and in the US, Mexico and Puerto Rico, essential to the embedded nature of the Cuban informal economy (Holbraad 2004). The ''mula''s also export tobacco, rum and local ''artesania'' (craftsmanship), such as a typical Cuban rocking chair in wood, or wood carved sculptures, which have come to constitute a distinctive sign in the houses of Cuban diasporas. The ‘transnational networks’ (Tilly 2007) put in place by the ''mula'' system play an important role not only in the constant negotiation between the socialist state and its citizens about the value and distribution of commodities but also in corroborating the representation of Cuban material identity outside the country. | ||
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Israel, E. 2009. ‘Spain issues Cuba's first "grandchildren" passport’, Reuters Agency, February 6, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-cuba-spain-citizenship/spain-issues-cubas-first-grandchildren-passport-idUSTRE51502U20090206 | Israel, E. 2009. ‘Spain issues Cuba's first "grandchildren" passport’, Reuters Agency, February 6, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-cuba-spain-citizenship/spain-issues-cubas-first-grandchildren-passport-idUSTRE51502U20090206 | ||
Malinowski, B. 1922. ''Argonauts of the Western Pacific''. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland | |||
Pertierra, A. C. 2007. ''Battles, inventions and acquisitions: The struggle for consumption in urban Cuba''. University of London: London University Press | Pertierra, A. C. 2007. ''Battles, inventions and acquisitions: The struggle for consumption in urban Cuba''. University of London: London University Press | ||