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[[File:1 runs.jpg|thumb|300px|left|Imprint made with empty pen. Source: Olumuyiwa K. Ojo and Olusola Ayandele. © Olumuyiwa K. Ojo and Olusola Ayandele.]] | |||
According to most Nigerian traditional ethos on morals and values known as ''omoluabi'' (Yoruba), a person should strive to promote integrity, service, hard work, humility and concern for others. According to some, these principles have been eroded in contemporary Nigeria (Adegoju 2007). Several indigenous languages spoken by Nigerians euphemize illicit exchanges and petty bribery to cover up corrupt practices (Auwal 1987:293, Ndokwu 2004, Yagboyaju 2018): [[egunje]] in Yoruba, ''Chuachua'' or ''Toshiyar baki'' in Hausa, and ''Igbuozu'' in Igbo. These cleverly crafted words have helped petty corruption thrive among Nigerians, but the public remains critical of elite corruption. Acknowledging this gap, Goodluck Jonathan, the former president of Nigeria, said in a televised statement that ‘stealing is not the same thing as corruption’ (Aribisala 2014). Nigerian youth, socialised in the context of systemic corruption, does not consider it morally wrong to engage in runs and refuses to accept normative views (Okoli 1997). | According to most Nigerian traditional ethos on morals and values known as ''omoluabi'' (Yoruba), a person should strive to promote integrity, service, hard work, humility and concern for others. According to some, these principles have been eroded in contemporary Nigeria (Adegoju 2007). Several indigenous languages spoken by Nigerians euphemize illicit exchanges and petty bribery to cover up corrupt practices (Auwal 1987:293, Ndokwu 2004, Yagboyaju 2018): [[egunje]] in Yoruba, ''Chuachua'' or ''Toshiyar baki'' in Hausa, and ''Igbuozu'' in Igbo. These cleverly crafted words have helped petty corruption thrive among Nigerians, but the public remains critical of elite corruption. Acknowledging this gap, Goodluck Jonathan, the former president of Nigeria, said in a televised statement that ‘stealing is not the same thing as corruption’ (Aribisala 2014). Nigerian youth, socialised in the context of systemic corruption, does not consider it morally wrong to engage in runs and refuses to accept normative views (Okoli 1997). | ||
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The pervasiveness of inappropriate sexual transactions between students and staff in higher education has been reported in the news in Nigeria and beyond (Alagbe 2016). A BBC ''Africa Eye'' undercover documentary on ‘sex for grades’ captured four lecturers blackmailing female students and soliciting sex in exchange for marks required for admission to universities in Nigeria and Ghana (Mordi 2019). A Nigerian professor was sentenced to two years in prison for forcing a female student into having sex with him by threatening to award a fail in his course otherwise (Adebayo and Busari 2018). Reports exist of ''runs girls'' engaging in strategic sexual relationships with school officials to enhance their academic performance (Ojebode et al. 2010), as well as male students paying for the services of female prostitutes to have sex with school officials in exchange for higher marks (Alagbe 2016). | The pervasiveness of inappropriate sexual transactions between students and staff in higher education has been reported in the news in Nigeria and beyond (Alagbe 2016). A BBC ''Africa Eye'' undercover documentary on ‘sex for grades’ captured four lecturers blackmailing female students and soliciting sex in exchange for marks required for admission to universities in Nigeria and Ghana (Mordi 2019). A Nigerian professor was sentenced to two years in prison for forcing a female student into having sex with him by threatening to award a fail in his course otherwise (Adebayo and Busari 2018). Reports exist of ''runs girls'' engaging in strategic sexual relationships with school officials to enhance their academic performance (Ojebode et al. 2010), as well as male students paying for the services of female prostitutes to have sex with school officials in exchange for higher marks (Alagbe 2016). | ||
[[File:2 runs.jpg|thumb|300px|left|Key points on complimentary card size paper. Source: Olumuyiwa K. Ojo and Olusola Ayandele. © Olumuyiwa K. Ojo and Olusola Ayandele.]] | |||
The second category of ''runs'' involves bribing academic and non-academic staff with cash to pass exams or improve marks. The euphemisms in use for this type include ‘sorting, following-up, or subscribing’ (from business); ‘making a shortcut or an upgrade’ (from transportation or technology); ‘betting on the lucky number four’ (''aja 4 gbera'', from virtual dog race gambling), considered to be the luckiest number; and ‘peace offering’ (from religious contexts). An interested student, called ''subscriber'', finds a ''runs guy'' to act as an intermediary. Money is paid as a ''peace offering'' to ''sort out'' academic matters or to establish a ''shortcut'' for a member of staff in charge of processing examination results to ''upgrade'' the student’s mark. Reports have been made about the role of poverty in forcing students to engage in robbery or prostitution to make enough money to pay for an improvement of their marks (Oko and Adie 2016). | The second category of ''runs'' involves bribing academic and non-academic staff with cash to pass exams or improve marks. The euphemisms in use for this type include ‘sorting, following-up, or subscribing’ (from business); ‘making a shortcut or an upgrade’ (from transportation or technology); ‘betting on the lucky number four’ (''aja 4 gbera'', from virtual dog race gambling), considered to be the luckiest number; and ‘peace offering’ (from religious contexts). An interested student, called ''subscriber'', finds a ''runs guy'' to act as an intermediary. Money is paid as a ''peace offering'' to ''sort out'' academic matters or to establish a ''shortcut'' for a member of staff in charge of processing examination results to ''upgrade'' the student’s mark. Reports have been made about the role of poverty in forcing students to engage in robbery or prostitution to make enough money to pay for an improvement of their marks (Oko and Adie 2016). | ||