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| imagemap = West Africa map.png | | imagemap = West Africa map.png | ||
| keywords = Palaver, West and Central Africa, Dispute resolution, Peacebuilding, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Mali, Nigeria, Local governance, Chiefdoms, Authority, Justice, Reconciliation | | keywords = Palaver, West and Central Africa, Dispute resolution, Peacebuilding, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Mali, Nigeria, Local governance, Chiefdoms, Authority, Justice, Reconciliation | ||
| clusters = [[:Category: | | clusters = [[:Category: Informal governance|Informal governance]] – [[:Category: Intermediation|Intermediation]] | ||
| categories = [[:Category: | | categories = [[:Category: Informal governance|Informal governance]] – [[:Category: Leadership|Leadership]] | ||
| authorofpiece = | | authorofpiece = | ||
| authorinstitution = | | authorinstitution = | ||
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<big>'''By '''</big> | <big>'''By '''</big> | ||
[[Category: | [[Category: Sierra Leone]] | ||
[[Category: | [[Category: Liberia]] | ||
[[Category: | [[Category: Mali]] | ||
[[Category: | [[Category: Nigeria]] | ||
[[Category: | [[Category: Informal governance]] | ||
[[Category: | [[Category: Intermediation]] | ||
[[Category: Leadership]] | |||
[[Category: Entry]] | [[Category: Entry]] | ||
[[Category: 2026 entry]] | [[Category: 2026 entry]] | ||
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Beyond palaver-settling, a range of other informal dispute-resolution practices operate across different cultural contexts. '''Aqsaqals''' play a crucial role in informal governance in Central Asia (see [[Aqsaqal (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan)]]). Aqsaqals are "old male members [of the community] sitting in the [Council of elders], tasked with mediating and resolving local disputes" (Tokyzhanova 2022<ref>T. Tokyzhanova, "[[Aqsaqal]] (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan)", [[Global Informality Project]] (online, 2022), available at: [[Aqsaqal (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan)]] [Accessed 1 Dec. 2025].</ref>), drawing their seniority both from old age as "an indication of divine favour" and from their standing as "custodians of knowledge and wisdom" (Wasosa 2025<ref>H. Wasosa, "The Forgotten Psychology of African Elders and the Spiritual World", ''Open Access Library Journal'', 12 (2025), pp.1–17.</ref>). Although the two practices differ functionally and geographically, both rely on respected elders, whether aqsaqals or chiefs, to guide community members, with the shared aim of maintaining social harmony through reconciliation rather than punishment. A key difference lies in the venue of mediation: aqsaqals take a more private, advisory role, whereas chiefs settling palaver operate in a communal setting. | Beyond palaver-settling, a range of other informal dispute-resolution practices operate across different cultural contexts. '''Aqsaqals''' play a crucial role in informal governance in Central Asia (see [[Aqsaqal (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan)]]). Aqsaqals are "old male members [of the community] sitting in the [Council of elders], tasked with mediating and resolving local disputes" (Tokyzhanova 2022<ref>T. Tokyzhanova, "[[Aqsaqal]] (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan)", [[Global Informality Project]] (online, 2022), available at: [[Aqsaqal (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan)]] [Accessed 1 Dec. 2025].</ref>), drawing their seniority both from old age as "an indication of divine favour" and from their standing as "custodians of knowledge and wisdom" (Wasosa 2025<ref>H. Wasosa, "The Forgotten Psychology of African Elders and the Spiritual World", ''Open Access Library Journal'', 12 (2025), pp.1–17.</ref>). Although the two practices differ functionally and geographically, both rely on respected elders, whether aqsaqals or chiefs, to guide community members, with the shared aim of maintaining social harmony through reconciliation rather than punishment. A key difference lies in the venue of mediation: aqsaqals take a more private, advisory role, whereas chiefs settling palaver operate in a communal setting. | ||
The informal governance practices of '''[[Jirga]] / [[Shura]]''' councils in Afghanistan follow a similar pattern (see [[Jirga / Shura (Afghanistan)]]). Described as "a gathering of elders for resolving local or national conflicts" (Nosworthy 2020<ref name="nosworthy">M. Nosworthy, "Jirga / Shura (Afghanistan)", Global Informality Project (online, 2020), available at: [[Jirga / Shura (Afghanistan)]] [Accessed 30 Nov. 2025].</ref>), these councils likewise operate at the local level and prioritise the authority of respected community leaders. Meetings are "highly ritualised" (Nosworthy 2020<ref name="nosworthy" />) and rooted in Islamic tradition, with disputes resolved through consensus or majority vote, and the resulting decisions "binding for all parties involved" (Nosworthy 2020<ref name="nosworthy" />). While all three systems spotlight the authority of elders, they differ in their degree of public participation and the coercive weight of their decisions. This weight varies according to how compliance is achieved: aqsaqals rely primarily on moral authority and social respect, making their rulings persuasive rather than binding; chiefs benefit from communal visibility, where public participation intensifies social pressure and reinforces compliance; and Jirga / Shura councils carry the greatest coercive force, since their decisions are considered binding and can be enforced through structured sanctions drawing on customary and religious authority. Considered together, these practices show how diverse societies have developed culturally specific but functionally comparable systems of informal governance that supplement formal state institutions. | The informal governance practices of '''[[Jirga]] / [[Shura]]''' councils in Afghanistan follow a similar pattern (see [[Jirga / Shura (Afghanistan)]]). Described as "a gathering of elders for resolving local or national conflicts" (Nosworthy 2020<ref name="nosworthy">M. Nosworthy, "[[Jirga / shura|Jirga / Shura]] (Afghanistan)", Global Informality Project (online, 2020), available at: [[Jirga / Shura (Afghanistan)]] [Accessed 30 Nov. 2025].</ref>), these councils likewise operate at the local level and prioritise the authority of respected community leaders. Meetings are "highly ritualised" (Nosworthy 2020<ref name="nosworthy" />) and rooted in Islamic tradition, with disputes resolved through consensus or majority vote, and the resulting decisions "binding for all parties involved" (Nosworthy 2020<ref name="nosworthy" />). While all three systems spotlight the authority of elders, they differ in their degree of public participation and the coercive weight of their decisions. This weight varies according to how compliance is achieved: aqsaqals rely primarily on moral authority and social respect, making their rulings persuasive rather than binding; chiefs benefit from communal visibility, where public participation intensifies social pressure and reinforces compliance; and Jirga / Shura councils carry the greatest coercive force, since their decisions are considered binding and can be enforced through structured sanctions drawing on customary and religious authority. Considered together, these practices show how diverse societies have developed culturally specific but functionally comparable systems of informal governance that supplement formal state institutions. | ||
==References== | ==References== | ||
<references /> | <references /> | ||