Difference between revisions of "Obshchak (Russia)"

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[[:Category:Market|Market]] – [[:Category: Functional ambivalence| Functional ambivalence]] – [[:Category: System made me do it| System made me do it]] – [[:Category: Survival| Survival]] – [[:Category: Informal welfare| Informal welfare]]  
[[:Category:Market|Market]] – [[:Category: Functional ambivalence| Functional ambivalence]] – [[:Category: System made me do it| System made me do it]] – [[:Category: Survival| Survival]] – [[:Category: Informal welfare| Informal welfare]]  
| categories =
| categories =
[[:Category:Russia|Russia]] – [[:Category: FSU| FSU]] – [[:Category: Prison| Prison]]  
[[:Category:Russia|Russia]] – [[:Category: FSU| FSU]] – [[:Category: Prison| Prison]] – [[:Category: Credit| Credit]] – [[:Category: Saving| Saving]]  
| authorofpiece =Gavin Slade
| authorofpiece =Gavin Slade
| authorinstitution =Center for Area Studies, Freie Universitat, Germany
| authorinstitution =Center for Area Studies, Freie Universitat, Germany
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[[Category: FSU]]  
[[Category: FSU]]  
[[Category: Prison]]  
[[Category: Prison]]  
[[Category: Credit]]
[[Category: Saving]]
[[Category:Entry]]  
[[Category:Entry]]  
[[Category: Volume 2]]  
[[Category: Volume 2]]  
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The practice of collecting the ''obshchak'' was originally confined to the Soviet Union. In the post-Soviet period, the term is used in criminal communities and prisons in most countries of the former Soviet Union. In the Baltic States, the South Caucasus countries and in Central Asia, the Russian word is given a local twist. Georgians, for example, call it the ''obshchaki'', where the addition of ''i'', a Georgian nominative ending, makes it sound colloquial. In Central Asian states such as Kyrgyzstan, the word is used as an adjective to denote any prisoner who concedes to the informal code of the ''vory v zakone'', the prisoner elite (see [[kanonieri qurdebi]] in this volume). Thus, a prisoner can be described as ''obshchakovyi''. In some Russian regions, the word has acquired an additional meaning, synonymous with criminality. For example, in Khabarovsk in the Russian Far East there is a powerful organised criminal grouping which simply calls itself ''Obshchak''. The norms associated with such practices have also spread outside the successor countries of the Soviet Union through migration from the old Soviet bloc<ref>Varese, F. 2011. 'How Mafias take advantage of globalization: The Russian Mafia in Italy', ''British Journal of Criminology'': 235-253</ref>.
The practice of collecting the ''obshchak'' was originally confined to the Soviet Union. In the post-Soviet period, the term is used in criminal communities and prisons in most countries of the former Soviet Union. In the Baltic States, the South Caucasus countries and in Central Asia, the Russian word is given a local twist. Georgians, for example, call it the ''obshchaki'', where the addition of ''i'', a Georgian nominative ending, makes it sound colloquial. In Central Asian states such as Kyrgyzstan, the word is used as an adjective to denote any prisoner who concedes to the informal code of the ''vory v zakone'', the prisoner elite (see [[kanonieri qurdebi]] in this volume). Thus, a prisoner can be described as ''obshchakovyi''. In some Russian regions, the word has acquired an additional meaning, synonymous with criminality. For example, in Khabarovsk in the Russian Far East there is a powerful organised criminal grouping which simply calls itself ''Obshchak''. The norms associated with such practices have also spread outside the successor countries of the Soviet Union through migration from the old Soviet bloc<ref>Varese, F. 2011. 'How Mafias take advantage of globalization: The Russian Mafia in Italy', ''British Journal of Criminology'': 235-253</ref>.


In criminal contexts, funds are raised through the extortion or voluntary contributions of prisoners or entities outside prison. Those who give voluntarily signal their commitment to the criminal community. The term is linked to organised crime in a two-fold way. On the one hand, ''obshchak'' is part and parcel of extortion, whereby so-called protection money is paid by racketeered businesses. On the other hand, the ''obshchak'' ensures integration within and cooperation between criminal groups. This penetrates all levels, from individual prison dormitories and street gangs to city districts and even regions, with funds funnelling upwards to the most powerful groupings<ref>Varese, F. 2001. ''The Russian Mafia: Private Protection in a New Market Economy''. Oxford: Oxford University Press</ref><ref>Volkov, V. 2002. ''Violent Entrepreneurs: The Use of Force in the Making of Russian Capitalism''. Ithaca: Cornell University Press</ref>. Both functions – the collection (informal taxation) and redistribution (informal welfare) of common funds, dissociated from the state or other legal providers – are essential for the emergence of mafias<ref>Gambetta, D. 1996. ''The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection''. London: Harvard University Press</ref>. The colloquial use of the word ''obshchak'' can also be used in non-criminal contexts, as an abbreviation of ''obshchaya kassa'' (‘common fund’), to highlight the informal nature of collection and distribution (see ''chyornaya kassa'', black cash or black coffers, Ledeneva 2014: 273).
In criminal contexts, funds are raised through the extortion or voluntary contributions of prisoners or entities outside prison. Those who give voluntarily signal their commitment to the criminal community. The term is linked to organised crime in a two-fold way. On the one hand, ''obshchak'' is part and parcel of extortion, whereby so-called protection money is paid by racketeered businesses. On the other hand, the ''obshchak'' ensures integration within and cooperation between criminal groups. This penetrates all levels, from individual prison dormitories and street gangs to city districts and even regions, with funds funnelling upwards to the most powerful groupings<ref>Varese, F. 2001. ''The Russian Mafia: Private Protection in a New Market Economy''. Oxford: Oxford University Press</ref><ref>Volkov, V. 2002. ''Violent Entrepreneurs: The Use of Force in the Making of Russian Capitalism''. Ithaca: Cornell University Press</ref>. Both functions – the collection (informal taxation) and redistribution (informal welfare) of common funds, dissociated from the state or other legal providers – are essential for the emergence of mafias<ref>Gambetta, D. 1996. ''The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection''. London: Harvard University Press</ref>. The colloquial use of the word ''obshchak'' can also be used in non-criminal contexts, as an abbreviation of ''obshchaya [[kassa]]'' (‘common fund’), to highlight the informal nature of collection and distribution (see ''chyornaya kassa'', black cash or black coffers, Ledeneva 2014: 273).


While the criminal ''obshchak'' can be used for mutual aid and support to those who are ill, in police custody, or in the segregation unit of the prison, the spoils generally accrue to those at the top of the criminal ranks. Thus, the ''obshchak'' should be understood as a form of generalised reciprocity that locks those who practice it into consistent lines of action. This means it represents an investment by criminals who do not receive immediate benefits but who then have an interest in remaining within the criminal community to reap the long-term returns as they move up the ranks. As such, voluntary investments in the ''obshchak'' can be understood as a signal of commitment, solidarity and positive attitudes towards the criminal community<ref>Slade G. 2013. ''Reorganizing Crime: Mafia and Anti-Mafia in Post-Soviet Georgia''. Oxford: Oxford University Press</ref>. Investments are a measure of this commitment and can lead to promotion within the prison hierarchy or organized criminal group. However, for those who do not adhere to the inmates’ code that supports the ''obshchak'', it may be nothing more than a source of extortion.
While the criminal ''obshchak'' can be used for mutual aid and support to those who are ill, in police custody, or in the segregation unit of the prison, the spoils generally accrue to those at the top of the criminal ranks. Thus, the ''obshchak'' should be understood as a form of generalised reciprocity that locks those who practice it into consistent lines of action. This means it represents an investment by criminals who do not receive immediate benefits but who then have an interest in remaining within the criminal community to reap the long-term returns as they move up the ranks. As such, voluntary investments in the ''obshchak'' can be understood as a signal of commitment, solidarity and positive attitudes towards the criminal community<ref>Slade G. 2013. ''Reorganizing Crime: Mafia and Anti-Mafia in Post-Soviet Georgia''. Oxford: Oxford University Press</ref>. Investments are a measure of this commitment and can lead to promotion within the prison hierarchy or organized criminal group. However, for those who do not adhere to the inmates’ code that supports the ''obshchak'', it may be nothing more than a source of extortion.