Difference between revisions of "Vrski (Macedonia)"

While the practice of ''vrski'' is seen as corrupting, the use of such informal connections is common and many Macedonians will instinctively call upon the contacts of friends and family in order to assure a beneficial outcome.  Such situations typically include acquiring work, accessing a public service (such as getting their child into the best school or completing a bureaucratic procedure), or obtaining a particular good. Shared origins are very important in a small nation such as Macedonia and in the capital Skopje, where many inhabitants are only one or two generations removed from their ancestral villages and towns. Therefore, it is common for such regional ties to be discussed and utilised.

While the practice of ''vrski'' is seen as corrupting, the use of such informal connections is common and many Macedonians will instinctively call upon the contacts of friends and family in order to assure a beneficial outcome.  Such situations typically include acquiring work, accessing a public service (such as getting their child into the best school or completing a bureaucratic procedure), or obtaining a particular good. Shared origins are very important in a small nation such as Macedonia and in the capital Skopje, where many inhabitants are only one or two generations removed from their ancestral villages and towns. Therefore, it is common for such regional ties to be discussed and utilised.

The use of ''vrski'' has had a negative effect on the provision of state services under the post-socialist restructuring of government and the economy. The state has intentionally exited from providing a number of formerly state-run services by implementing privatisation programmes. Privatisation has taken place due to the pursuit of free market principles, but also, arguably, in order for politicians and their ''vrski'' to profit privately. Through transferring responsibility to the private sector and ceasing to provide services, the state has opened up opportunities to the owners of private enterprises, who are made aware of these opportunities through their network and connections. Consequently, politicians and their acquaintances have appropriated state capital through the privatisation of its services, from utilities to higher education to agriculture. As an example, when the state’s largest winery was privatised and taken oven by an investment holding firm, political figures including the (state-appointed) director of the winery as well as local and national political figures personally profited from the transaction. In particular, the former winery director acquired enough income to build a villa and small winery of his own<ref>Justin Otten, ‘Wine mafia and the thieving state: tension and power at the crossroads of neoliberalism and authoritarianism in 21st century Macedonia’ Anthropology of East Europe Review (AEER), Vol. 31(2), 2013</ref>.

The use of ''vrski'' has had a negative effect on the provision of state services under the post-socialist restructuring of government and the economy. The state has intentionally exited from providing a number of formerly state-run services by implementing privatisation programmes. Privatisation has taken place due to the pursuit of free market principles, but also, arguably, in order for politicians and their ''vrski'' to profit privately. Through transferring responsibility to the private sector and ceasing to provide services, the state has opened up opportunities to the owners of private enterprises, who are made aware of these opportunities through their network and connections. Consequently, politicians and their acquaintances have appropriated state capital through the privatisation of its services, from utilities to higher education to agriculture. As an example, when the state’s largest winery was privatised and taken oven by an investment holding firm, political figures including the (state-appointed) director of the winery as well as local and national political figures personally profited from the transaction. In particular, the former winery director acquired enough income to build a villa and small winery of his own<ref>Justin Otten, ‘Wine mafia and the thieving state: tension and power at the crossroads of neoliberalism and authoritarianism in 21st century Macedonia’ Anthropology of East Europe Review (AEER), Vol. 31(2), 2013</ref>.

Within the Southeast European region, personal networks are utilised in a comparable manner to Macedonian ''vrski'', and in the neighbouring Slavic speaking countries the terms are similar: ''[[vruzki]]'' (връзки) in Bulgaria (cf. Chavdarova 2013<ref>Tanya Chavdarova, ‘Institutionalisation of Market Order and Re-institutionalisation of Vruzki (Connections) in Bulgaria’. In: Giordano, C. and N. Hayoz (eds.). Informality in Eastern Europe. Structures, Political Cultures and Social Practices. (Bern: Peter Lang, pp. 19–196)</ref>) and ''[[Veza|veze]]'' (везе) in Serbia. All of these practices can involve bribes, gifts and other forms of potential corruption, and are thus seen as unfair practices by those who do not benefit from them to the extent of others. Such favours help create significant privileges for individuals connected to the ruling powers and state apparatus who continue to benefit from the transfers of wealth occurring between it and the connected private firms and their owners.

Within the Southeast European region, personal networks are utilised in a comparable manner to Macedonian ''vrski'', and in the neighbouring Slavic speaking countries the terms are similar: ''[[vruzki]]'' (връзки) in Bulgaria (cf. Chavdarova 2013<ref>Tanya Chavdarova, ‘Institutionalisation of Market Order and Re-institutionalisation of Vruzki (Connections) in Bulgaria’. In: Giordano, C. and N. Hayoz (eds.). Informality in Eastern Europe. Structures, Political Cultures and Social Practices. (Bern: Peter Lang, pp. 19–196)</ref>) and ''[[Veza|veze]]'' (везе) in Serbia. All of these practices can involve bribes, gifts and other forms of potential corruption, and are thus seen as unfair practices by those who do not benefit from them to the extent of others. Such favours help create significant privileges for individuals connected to the ruling powers and state apparatus who continue to benefit from the transfers of wealth occurring between it and the connected private firms and their owners.

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