Difference between revisions of "Agashka (Kazakhstan)"

''Agashka'', in the usage we observe today, came into common use in the 1990s. While the term is not recorded in dictionaries of the Russian or Kazakh languages, analysts and journalists in Kazakhstan have made some attempts to describe the phenomenon of ''agashka'' (sometimes suffixes are added to specify reference to the general phenomenon: ''agashkizm'', ''agashizm'', or ''agashestvo''). While precise definitions of ''agashka'' somewhat vary among observers, there is agreement that it is an informal status. A typical ''agashka'' is a government official with a loyal following of subordinates (whom he helped to get employed), enjoying the use of a high-class official car for private purposes. However, the source of an ''agashka's'' influence is not based on his office ''per se'' but rather ''his personal relationships with those in power'', from high-ranking officials in the central government to heads of local administration. Although most ''agashki'' hold or have held an official position in the state or an organisation connected to it, their ability to exert influence does not necessarily correspond to the level or sphere of the official post.

''Agashka'', in the usage we observe today, came into common use in the 1990s. While the term is not recorded in dictionaries of the Russian or Kazakh languages, analysts and journalists in Kazakhstan have made some attempts to describe the phenomenon of ''agashka'' (sometimes suffixes are added to specify reference to the general phenomenon: ''agashkizm'', ''agashizm'', or ''agashestvo''). While precise definitions of ''agashka'' somewhat vary among observers, there is agreement that it is an informal status. A typical ''agashka'' is a government official with a loyal following of subordinates (whom he helped to get employed), enjoying the use of a high-class official car for private purposes. However, the source of an ''agashka's'' influence is not based on his office ''per se'' but rather ''his personal relationships with those in power'', from high-ranking officials in the central government to heads of local administration. Although most ''agashki'' hold or have held an official position in the state or an organisation connected to it, their ability to exert influence does not necessarily correspond to the level or sphere of the official post.

The term is a pejorative word and reflects the widespread view of the prevalence of nepotism and clientelism, as well as a critical or self-mocking attitude toward the Kazakhs themselves. A popular saying, ‘''Bez agashki ty kakashka, a s agashkoi ty chelovek''’ (‘You are shit without ''agashka'', and you are a person with ''agashka''’) suggests that ordinary citizens in Kazakhstan believe that people must have good connections to live a normal life. The same is suggested by a variant of the phrase, which replaces ''kakashka'' with ''bukashka'' (a small insect). Indeed, from getting a job and promotion in the government sector or national companies, obtaining or renting housing constructed under state programmes, receiving state-funded medical treatment, to securing credit from the local government or a bank loan, the power of connections and patronage dominates in many key areas of life<ref>McMann, Kelly M. 2014. Corruption as a Last Resort: Adapting to the Market in Central Asia. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.</ref><ref>McMann, Kelly M. 2014. Corruption as a Last Resort: Adapting to the Market in Central Asia. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.</ref>. Despite state procedures officially being fair and equitable, in reality decisions are often made informally when state resources are distributed. Success in business largely depends on whether one has a solid and influential patron in official positions or connected to officials. ''Agashka'' is key to winning a tender for public works projects or state purchases. In addition, maintaining good relations with law-enforcement institutions with the authority to control business (police, customs, prosecutors etc.) is critically important.

The term is a pejorative word and reflects the widespread view of the prevalence of nepotism and clientelism, as well as a critical or self-mocking attitude toward the Kazakhs themselves. A popular saying, ‘''Bez agashki ty kakashka, a s agashkoi ty chelovek''’ (‘You are shit without ''agashka'', and you are a person with ''agashka''’) suggests that ordinary citizens in Kazakhstan believe that people must have good connections to live a normal life. The same is suggested by a variant of the phrase, which replaces ''kakashka'' with ''bukashka'' (a small insect). Indeed, from getting a job and promotion in the government sector or national companies, obtaining or renting housing constructed under state programmes, receiving state-funded medical treatment, to securing credit from the local government or a bank loan, the power of connections and patronage dominates in many key areas of life<ref>McMann, Kelly M. 2014. Corruption as a Last Resort: Adapting to the Market in Central Asia. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.</ref><ref>McMann, Kelly M. 2014. Corruption as a Last Resort: Adapting to the Market in Central Asia. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.</ref>. Despite state procedures officially being fair and equitable, in reality decisions are often made informally when state resources are distributed. Success in business largely depends on whether one has a solid and influential patron in official positions or connected to officials. ''Agashka'' is key to winning a tender for public works projects or state purchases. In addition, maintaining good relations with law-enforcement institutions with the authority to control business (police, customs, prosecutors etc.) is critically important.

In its present form, however, ''agashka'' is also the product of the post-Soviet expansion of market relations, which brought changes to the function and nature of informal networks developed under the socialist economy. Following the introduction of market principles in the 1990s, those with financial resources increasingly prefer to invest money in expanding their practical networks beyond the kinship divisions<ref>Rigi, Jakob. 2004. ‘Corruption in Post-Soviet Kazakhstan’, in Italo Pardo (ed.), Between Morality and the Law: Corruption, Anthropology and Comparative Society. Aldershot: Ashgate:101-117.</ref>. One of the most widespread perceptions with respect to ''agashki'' is that their children have an advantage over the others in getting a national scholarship to study overseas, or seeking a job in the public sector or national companies. ''Agashka's'' network of favours, however, is not limited to family and kinship ties. Here, the simple definition by Kazakhstani political analyst Dossym Satpayev is relevant: ‘''Agashka'' is a person whose connections bring money, and that money brings new connections.’ Thus, the major criterion for ''agashka'' in post-Soviet Kazakhstan is affiliation to certain financial sources, or a group of common material interests in which a variety of ethnicities, clans, and regions can be represented<ref>Satpaev, D. A. 1999. Lobbizm: tainye rychagi vlasti. Almaty: Qazaqstan damu instituty.</ref><ref>Umbetalieva, Tolganai and Dosym Satpayev, Dosym. 2012. ‘Political Elites in Kazakhstan’, in Andreas Heinrich and Heiko Pleines (eds), Challenges of the Caspian Resource Boom: Domestic Elites and Policy-Making. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan: 73-88</ref><ref>Schatz, Edward.2012. “Kinship and the State in Kazakhstan’s Political Economy,” in A. Heinrich and H. Pleines (eds), Challenges of the Caspian Resource Boom: Domestic Elites and Policy- Making. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan: 89-101.</ref>.

In its present form, however, ''agashka'' is also the product of the post-Soviet expansion of market relations, which brought changes to the function and nature of informal networks developed under the socialist economy. Following the introduction of market principles in the 1990s, those with financial resources increasingly prefer to invest money in expanding their practical networks beyond the kinship divisions<ref>Rigi, Jakob. 2004. ‘Corruption in Post-Soviet Kazakhstan’, in Italo Pardo (ed.), Between Morality and the Law: Corruption, Anthropology and Comparative Society. Aldershot: Ashgate:101-117.</ref>. One of the most widespread perceptions with respect to ''agashki'' is that their children have an advantage over the others in getting a national scholarship to study overseas, or seeking a job in the public sector or national companies. ''Agashka's'' network of favours, however, is not limited to family and kinship ties. Here, the simple definition by Kazakhstani political analyst Dossym Satpayev is relevant: ‘''Agashka'' is a person whose connections bring money, and that money brings new connections.’ Thus, the major criterion for ''agashka'' in post-Soviet Kazakhstan is affiliation to certain financial sources, or a group of common material interests in which a variety of ethnicities, clans, and regions can be represented<ref>Satpaev, D. A. 1999. Lobbizm: tainye rychagi vlasti. Almaty: Qazaqstan damu instituty.</ref><ref>Umbetalieva, Tolganai and Dosym Satpayev, Dosym. 2012. ‘Political Elites in Kazakhstan’, in Andreas Heinrich and Heiko Pleines (eds), Challenges of the Caspian Resource Boom: Domestic Elites and Policy-Making. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan: 73-88</ref><ref>Schatz, Edward.2012. “Kinship and the State in Kazakhstan’s Political Economy,” in A. Heinrich and H. Pleines (eds), Challenges of the Caspian Resource Boom: Domestic Elites and Policy- Making. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan: 89-101.</ref>.

==Notes==

==Notes==