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Difference between revisions of "Kumstvo (Montenegro)"
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| flagemoji =🇲🇪 | | flagemoji =🇲🇪 | ||
| definition =Godparenthood; informal network based on fictive kinship, used to semi-formalise friendly relations and useful contacts | | definition =Godparenthood; informal network based on fictive kinship, used to semi-formalise friendly relations and useful contacts | ||
| location =Montenegro | | location =Montenegro | ||
| imagemap =Montenegro | | imagemap =Montenegro map.png | ||
| clusters = | | clusters = | ||
[[:Category:Solidarity|Solidarity]] – [[:Category: Normative ambivalence| Normative ambivalence]] – [[:Category: Conformity| Conformity]] – [[:Category: Lock-in effect| Lock-in effect]] – [[:Category: Kinship lock-in| Kinship lock-in]] | [[:Category:Solidarity|Solidarity]] – [[:Category: Normative ambivalence| Normative ambivalence]] – [[:Category: Conformity| Conformity]] – [[:Category: Lock-in effect| Lock-in effect]] – [[:Category: Kinship lock-in| Kinship lock-in]] | ||
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''Kumstvo'' depends on and reinforces the strength of kin-relations as a structuring element of Montenegrin society. Since the tendency of the modern bureaucratic nation-state is to minimise the importance of kin-relations in society, ''kumstvo'' and obligations of mutual help have a strong potential of conflict with the bureaucratic principles of governance. It is therefore often associated with nepotism and political corruption, and is invariably interpreted in relation to the functioning of the state<ref>Mintz, Sidney W, and Eric E. R. Wolf. 1950. 'An Analysis of Ritual Co-Parenthood (Compadrazgo).' Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 6(4):341-368.</ref><ref>Tomašić, Dinko. 1948. Personality and culture in Eastern European politics. New York: G.W. Stewart.</ref>. | ''Kumstvo'' depends on and reinforces the strength of kin-relations as a structuring element of Montenegrin society. Since the tendency of the modern bureaucratic nation-state is to minimise the importance of kin-relations in society, ''kumstvo'' and obligations of mutual help have a strong potential of conflict with the bureaucratic principles of governance. It is therefore often associated with nepotism and political corruption, and is invariably interpreted in relation to the functioning of the state<ref>Mintz, Sidney W, and Eric E. R. Wolf. 1950. 'An Analysis of Ritual Co-Parenthood (Compadrazgo).' Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 6(4):341-368.</ref><ref>Tomašić, Dinko. 1948. Personality and culture in Eastern European politics. New York: G.W. Stewart.</ref>. | ||
The flourishing of ''kumstvo'' in Montenegro and surrounding areas can be seen as related to the historical nature and trajectory of the state in these countries. As with other Eastern European countries, the Montenegrin state has been subject to considerable political, geographical and ideological upheavals throughout its history. In this context, trust in state institutions tend to be comparatively low, while trust in traditional forms and principles of organising day-to-day business (including ''kumstvo'') is often much higher. A person who has a wide and well-integrated group of blood and fictive relatives has much better prospects in life than a person who lacks it. Having a ''kum'', just like having a relative or simply an acquaintance, is not necessarily a source of abuse in every case of dealing with state bureaucracies and similar interactions, but on average will put a person in a better position. As a result, residents of Montenegro who have recently immigrated from other areas (e.g. Kosovo) and whose relatives and ''kumovi'' have stayed behind may typically complain of a lack of general support that reduces chances of success compared to long-term residents. With time, this problem is remedied by intermarriage and in particular by means of ''kumstvo'' – the latter being more flexible and more reliant on the networking capabilities of the particular individual rather than on his or her ascribed status<ref>Boehm, Christopher. 1984. Blood Revenge. The Enactment and Management of Conflict in Montenegro and Other Tribal Societies. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.</ref><ref>Boehm, Christopher. 1984. Blood Revenge. The Enactment and Management of Conflict in Montenegro and Other Tribal Societies. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.</ref>. | The flourishing of ''kumstvo'' in Montenegro and surrounding areas can be seen as related to the historical nature and trajectory of the state in these countries. As with other Eastern European countries, the Montenegrin state has been subject to considerable political, geographical and ideological upheavals throughout its history. In this context, trust in state institutions tend to be comparatively low, while trust in traditional forms and principles of organising day-to-day business (including ''kumstvo'') is often much higher. A person who has a wide and well-integrated group of blood and fictive relatives has much better prospects in life than a person who lacks it. Having a ''kum'', just like having a relative or simply an acquaintance, is not necessarily a source of abuse in every case of dealing with state bureaucracies and similar interactions, but on average will put a person in a better position. As a result, residents of Montenegro who have recently immigrated from other areas (e.g. Kosovo) and whose relatives and ''kumovi'' have stayed behind may typically complain of a lack of general support that reduces chances of success compared to long-term residents. With time, this problem is remedied by intermarriage and in particular by means of ''kumstvo'' – the latter being more flexible and more reliant on the networking capabilities of the particular individual rather than on his or her ascribed status<ref>Boehm, Christopher. 1984. [[Blood revenge|Blood Revenge]]. The Enactment and Management of Conflict in Montenegro and Other Tribal Societies. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.</ref><ref>Boehm, Christopher. 1984. Blood Revenge. The Enactment and Management of Conflict in Montenegro and Other Tribal Societies. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.</ref>. | ||
In contrast to membership of a family group or ''bratstvo'' that is advertised publicly via one’s surname, ''kumstvo'' relations are not generally public knowledge. Helping one’s relatives is a fundamental obligation for most people in Montenegro, but it is publicly suspicious if an office starts to be filled with people sharing the same surname. ''Kumstvo'' is more concealed (although it is by no means a secret), but cooperation between ''kumovi'' may be even more intense and trustworthy. Knowledge of who is whose ''kum'' can therefore provide an insight into internal alliances that might not be visible at the surface. Investigative journalists in the Montenegrin media often draw on such knowledge when they describe formally undefined relations among government officials or politicians and other influential players. | In contrast to membership of a family group or ''bratstvo'' that is advertised publicly via one’s surname, ''kumstvo'' relations are not generally public knowledge. Helping one’s relatives is a fundamental obligation for most people in Montenegro, but it is publicly suspicious if an office starts to be filled with people sharing the same surname. ''Kumstvo'' is more concealed (although it is by no means a secret), but cooperation between ''kumovi'' may be even more intense and trustworthy. Knowledge of who is whose ''kum'' can therefore provide an insight into internal alliances that might not be visible at the surface. Investigative journalists in the Montenegrin media often draw on such knowledge when they describe formally undefined relations among government officials or politicians and other influential players. | ||
==References== | ==References== | ||