Difference between revisions of "Wantoks and Kastom (Solomon Islands and Melanesia)"

To appreciate the practice of ''wantokism'', it is necessary to comprehend how local communities organise themselves and how ''kastom'' and cultures are employed in intra-groups and inter group relationships. A very good way of perceiving the ''wantok'' network is that of a picture of many small boxes in a bigger box where the bigger picture does not necessarily depict the status and condition of the smaller components, which may or may not relate to the bigger picture. Distinct ''wantok'' groups as clans and speakers of the same language present a formidable force for identity continuity and differences, even in the face of rapid social change. At the local level, a ''wantok'' connotes affective, moral relationships and claims to certain resource rights such as those over land, gardening areas and fishing grounds. ''Wantoks'' in this category determine one’s rights to existence and support and depends on the group to which the person belongs and affiliations of that person’s blood family. Narokobi (1980<ref>Narokobi, B.  1980.  ''The Melanesian Way: Suva & Boroko'', Institute of PNG Studies & Institute of Pacific Studies. </ref>) argues that ''wantok'' gives a new meaning to the word community. It is common to regard people under a particular ''bigman'' (clan leader)(Sahlins 1963<ref>Sahlins, M. D. (1963). 'Poor Man, Rich Man, Big-Man, Chief: Political types in Melanesia and Polynesia', ''Comparative Studies in Society and History'' 5: 285-303. </ref>) as'' wantoks'' at the local level.   

To appreciate the practice of ''wantokism'', it is necessary to comprehend how local communities organise themselves and how ''kastom'' and cultures are employed in intra-groups and inter group relationships. A very good way of perceiving the ''wantok'' network is that of a picture of many small boxes in a bigger box where the bigger picture does not necessarily depict the status and condition of the smaller components, which may or may not relate to the bigger picture. Distinct ''wantok'' groups as clans and speakers of the same language present a formidable force for identity continuity and differences, even in the face of rapid social change. At the local level, a ''wantok'' connotes affective, moral relationships and claims to certain resource rights such as those over land, gardening areas and fishing grounds. ''Wantoks'' in this category determine one’s rights to existence and support and depends on the group to which the person belongs and affiliations of that person’s blood family. Narokobi (1980<ref>Narokobi, B.  1980.  ''The Melanesian Way: Suva & Boroko'', Institute of PNG Studies & Institute of Pacific Studies. </ref>) argues that ''wantok'' gives a new meaning to the word community. It is common to regard people under a particular ''bigman'' (clan leader)(Sahlins 1963<ref>Sahlins, M. D. (1963). 'Poor Man, Rich Man, Big-Man, Chief: Political types in Melanesia and Polynesia', ''Comparative Studies in Society and History'' 5: 285-303. </ref>) as'' wantoks'' at the local level.   

The ‘spirit of the gift’ entrenched in ''wantok'' is more of a ‘you scratch my back and I scratch yours’ understanding. Bugotu (1968<ref>Bugotu, F. 1968.'The culture clash: a Melanesian's perspective.''' New Guinea and Australia, The Pacific and South East Asia'' 3(2): 65-70. </ref>) succinctly described it, ‘Gratefulness, sharing and giving are a way of life, accepted and practiced almost unconsciously by all. When I give, I have the satisfaction of giving in a continuation of friendly relations. I wouldn’t expect a verbal ‘thank you’ [or immediate reciprocation] because thankfulness is seen in deeds rather than in words’(Bugotu 1968: 68<ref>Bugotu, F. 1968.'The culture clash: a Melanesian's perspective.''' New Guinea and Australia, The Pacific and South East Asia'' 3(2): 65-70. </ref>). One person gives and does not receive payment, although (s)he knows that his/her giving will be returned when (s)he needs the support of his/her ''wantok'' members. Giving and reciprocating goods and services (physical work) is a way of caring and uniting, especially through festivities such as ‘feasts, gift exchanges, dances, and … ceremonies celebrated to mark stages in the growth of individuals, their births, deaths and marriages’(Belshaw 1947: 5 <ref>Belshaw, C.S. 1947. ''Post-war Developments in Central Melanesia'', New York: Institute of Pacific Relations. </ref>).  

The ‘spirit of the gift’ entrenched in ''wantok'' is more of a ‘you scratch my back and I scratch yours’ understanding. Bugotu (1968<ref>Bugotu, F. 1968.'The culture clash: a Melanesian's perspective.''' New Guinea and Australia, The Pacific and South East Asia'' 3(2): 65-70. </ref>) succinctly described it, ‘Gratefulness, sharing and giving are a way of life, accepted and practiced almost unconsciously by all. When I give, I have the satisfaction of giving in a continuation of friendly relations. I wouldn’t expect a verbal ‘thank you’ [or immediate reciprocation] because thankfulness is seen in deeds rather than in words’(Bugotu 1968: 68<ref>Bugotu, F. 1968.'The culture clash: a Melanesian's perspective.''' New Guinea and Australia, The Pacific and South East Asia'' 3(2): 65-70. </ref>). One person gives and does not receive payment, although (s)he knows that his/her giving will be returned when (s)he needs the support of his/her ''wantok'' members. Giving and reciprocating goods and services (physical work) is a way of caring and uniting, especially through festivities such as ‘feasts, gift exchanges, dances, and … ceremonies celebrated to mark stages in the growth of individuals, their births, deaths and marriages’(Belshaw 1947: 5 <ref>Belshaw, C.S. 1947. ''Post-war Developments in Central Melanesia'', New York: Institute of Pacific Relations. </ref>).