Difference between revisions of "Caili (China)"

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In the patrilocal context, marriage usually means marrying a bride into the groom’s family while marrying her out of her own. The bride is normally given a dowry, money, or property by her parents for the marriage. However, a dowry is not compulsory and often is valued less. ''Caili'' has a long history in China (Jiang and Sánchez-Barricarte, 2012), but with the growing Chinese economy, it is becoming an excessive burden for many families. Economic growth itself cannot fully explain the scale and dramatic increase of the ‘bride price,’ resulting also from the gender imbalance in China (Caldwell, Reddy, & Caldwell, 1983; Chen, 2004). Demand for women surpasses supply in the marital market, which entitles females to higher bargaining power (Lv, 2006). In the Chinese culture, parents usually regard finding a spouse for their child as an obligation. The enthusiasm of parents stimulates the request for a higher bride price. Surveys have shown that the bride price is highly related to this type of competition. Bride prices symbolize compensation to the woman’s family losing a potential source of income (this duty to sustain parents is seen also in the practice of [[Wantoks and Kastom (Solomon Islands and Melanesia)]]).  
In the patrilocal context, marriage usually means marrying a bride into the groom’s family while marrying her out of her own. The bride is normally given a dowry, money, or property by her parents for the marriage. However, a dowry is not compulsory and often is valued less. ''Caili'' has a long history in China (Jiang and Sánchez-Barricarte, 2012), but with the growing Chinese economy, it is becoming an excessive burden for many families. Economic growth itself cannot fully explain the scale and dramatic increase of the ‘bride price,’ resulting also from the gender imbalance in China (Caldwell, Reddy, & Caldwell, 1983; Chen, 2004). Demand for women surpasses supply in the marital market, which entitles females to higher bargaining power (Lv, 2006). In the Chinese culture, parents usually regard finding a spouse for their child as an obligation. The enthusiasm of parents stimulates the request for a higher bride price. Surveys have shown that the bride price is highly related to this type of competition. Bride prices symbolize compensation to the woman’s family losing a potential source of income (this duty to sustain parents is seen also in the practice of [[Wantoks and Kastom (Solomon Islands and Melanesia)]].  


The history of betrothal gifts dates to the Western Zhou Dynasty (1045BC-771BC), where betrothal gifts were regarded as a blessing and a symbol of the bond uniting the families of the couple. Since the Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD) the extravagant spending in ceremonial events, like weddings and funerals, incentivized the practice of pricing wives. During the Tang dynasty (618AD-907AD), betrothal gifts were considered an indispensable dimension of marriages. Once betrothal gifts were accepted by the family of the bride, the union became legally binding (Si and Wang, 2018). The quantity and value of betrothal gifts reflected the families’ wealth and social position.  
The history of betrothal gifts dates to the Western Zhou Dynasty (1045BC-771BC), where betrothal gifts were regarded as a blessing and a symbol of the bond uniting the families of the couple. Since the Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD) the extravagant spending in ceremonial events, like weddings and funerals, incentivized the practice of pricing wives. During the Tang dynasty (618AD-907AD), betrothal gifts were considered an indispensable dimension of marriages. Once betrothal gifts were accepted by the family of the bride, the union became legally binding (Si and Wang, 2018). The quantity and value of betrothal gifts reflected the families’ wealth and social position.  
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Fu, G., Li, Y., & Fei, X. 2018. 'The evolution of urban wedding consumption in China since 1970s', ''Journal of Contemporary Marketing Science''
Fu, G., Li, Y., & Fei, X. 2018. 'The evolution of urban wedding consumption in China since 1970s', ''Journal of Contemporary Marketing Science''


Gong, X., Qiao, X., & Cong, J. 2018. 'Social Lopsided Exchange: On High Bride Price in Rural Areas--Taking Village X, Town Q in Heze County as an Example', in ''2018 4th International Conference on Social Science and Higher Education'' (ICSSHE 2018). Atlantis Press
Gong, X., Qiao, X., & Cong, J. 2018. 'Social Lopsided Exchange: On High Bride Price in Rural Areas--Taking Village X, Town Q in Heze County as an Example', in ''2018 4th International Conference on Social Science and Higher Education'' (ICSSHE 2018), Atlantis Press


Jiang, Q., & Sánchez-Barricarte, J. J. 2012. 'Bride price in China: The obstacle to ‘Bare Branches’ seeking marriage', ''The history of the family'', 17 (1): 2-15
Jiang, Q., & Sánchez-Barricarte, J. J. 2012. 'Bride price in China: The obstacle to ‘Bare Branches’ seeking marriage', ''The history of the family'', 17 (1): 2-15
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Min, H., & Eades, J. S. 1995. 'Brides, bachelors and brokers: The marriage market in rural Anhui in an era of economic reform', ''Modern Asian Studies'', 29 (4), 841-869
Min, H., & Eades, J. S. 1995. 'Brides, bachelors and brokers: The marriage market in rural Anhui in an era of economic reform', ''Modern Asian Studies'', 29 (4), 841-869


Si, M., & Wang, J. 2018. 'Analysis of High Bride Price from a Cultural Perspective', in ''2nd International Conference on Art Studies: Science, Experience, Education'' (ICASSEE 2018). Atlantis Press
Si, M., & Wang, J. 2018. 'Analysis of High Bride Price from a Cultural Perspective', in ''2nd International Conference on Art Studies: Science, Experience, Education'' (ICASSEE 2018), Atlantis Press


Xu, J. 2019. 'Sandajiandebianqian' [The changing pattern of the three main gifts], http://www.cqn.com.cn/zgzlb/content/2019-09/10/content_7523660.htm
Xu, J. 2019. 'Sandajiandebianqian' [The changing pattern of the three main gifts], http://www.cqn.com.cn/zgzlb/content/2019-09/10/content_7523660.htm
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