Difference between revisions of "Silovi Grupirovki (Bulgaria)"

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A crucial element within the social networks of the former wrestlers were a number of dismissed employees from the former communist security service Darshavna Sigurnost (DS), as well as former employees of the interior ministry of the People's Republic of Bulgaria (Outhwaite and Ray 2005: 81<ref>Outhwaite, W. and Ray, L. 2005. Social Theory and Postcommunism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd</ref>; Bulanova-Hristova 2011: 342f.<ref>Bulanova-Hristova, G. 2011. Von Sofia nach Brüssel. Korrupte Demokratisierung im Kontext der europäischen Integration. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft</ref>) The use of personal networks – which may be regarded as the Bulgarian version of [[blat]] (Ledeneva 2011: 720<ref>Ledeneva, A. 2011. 'Open Secrets and Knowing Smiles', East European Politics and Society, 25 (4): 720-736</ref>) – involving former state employees, was exceptionally valuable for the violent entrepreneurs, thanks to the former employees specific knowledge of Bulgarian politics and economy, as well as their durable international networks, established during the communist era. Accordingly, the former employees of Darshavna Sigurnost are considered to have presided over and been the main initiators of the culture of 'violent entrepreneurship' (Bulanova-Hristova 2011: 343<ref>Bulanova-Hristova, G. 2011. Von Sofia nach Brüssel. Korrupte Demokratisierung im Kontext der europäischen Integration. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft</ref>).
A crucial element within the social networks of the former wrestlers were a number of dismissed employees from the former communist security service Darshavna Sigurnost (DS), as well as former employees of the interior ministry of the People's Republic of Bulgaria (Outhwaite and Ray 2005: 81<ref>Outhwaite, W. and Ray, L. 2005. Social Theory and Postcommunism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd</ref>; Bulanova-Hristova 2011: 342f.<ref>Bulanova-Hristova, G. 2011. Von Sofia nach Brüssel. Korrupte Demokratisierung im Kontext der europäischen Integration. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft</ref>) The use of personal networks – which may be regarded as the Bulgarian version of [[blat]] (Ledeneva 2011: 720<ref>Ledeneva, A. 2011. 'Open Secrets and Knowing Smiles', East European Politics and Society, 25 (4): 720-736</ref>) – involving former state employees, was exceptionally valuable for the violent entrepreneurs, thanks to the former employees specific knowledge of Bulgarian politics and economy, as well as their durable international networks, established during the communist era. Accordingly, the former employees of Darshavna Sigurnost are considered to have presided over and been the main initiators of the culture of 'violent entrepreneurship' (Bulanova-Hristova 2011: 343<ref>Bulanova-Hristova, G. 2011. Von Sofia nach Brüssel. Korrupte Demokratisierung im Kontext der europäischen Integration. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft</ref>).


The racketeering business, however, was not the only source of income for the ''Siloviye Gruppirovki''. While the Bulgarian state officially boycotted Serbia in the Bosnian war (1992-1995), the criminal gangs ensured the supply to the Serbian regime of goods such as fuel (Appelius 2006: 170f.<ref>Appelius, S. 2006. Bulgarien. Europas Ferner Osten. Bonn: Bouvier Verlag</ref>; Carvajal and Castle 2008<ref>Carvajal, D. and Castle, S. 2008. ‘Mob Muscles Its Way Into Politics in Bulgaria’, The New York Times, 16 October, http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CE4DE1431F935A25753C1A96E9C8B63&pagewanted=all</ref>). In brief, the political and economic networks of the ''Siloviye Gruppirovki'' facilitated their impunity and thereby paved the way for the continuous undermining of the state’s monopoly on the control of security (Bilefsky 2010<ref>Bilefksy, D. 2010. ‘A Crime Writer’s Pages Come to Life in His Death’, The New York Times, 31 January, http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/01/world/europe/01bulgaria.html?_r=0</ref>; Bulanova 2008: 54-57<ref>Bulanova, G. 2008. ‘From Sofia to Brussels –
The racketeering business, however, was not the only source of income for the ''Siloviye Gruppirovki''. While the Bulgarian state officially boycotted Serbia in the Bosnian war (1992-1995), the criminal gangs ensured the supply to the Serbian regime of goods such as fuel (Appelius 2006: 170f.<ref>Appelius, S. 2006. Bulgarien. Europas Ferner Osten. Bonn: Bouvier Verlag</ref>; Carvajal and Castle 2008<ref>Carvajal, D. and Castle, S. 2008. ‘Mob Muscles Its Way Into Politics in Bulgaria’, The New York Times, 16 October, http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CE4DE1431F935A25753C1A96E9C8B63&pagewanted=all</ref>). In brief, the political and economic networks of the ''Siloviye Gruppirovki'' facilitated their impunity and thereby paved the way for the continuous undermining of the state’s monopoly on the control of security (Bilefsky 2010<ref>Bilefksy, D. 2010. ‘A Crime Writer’s Pages Come to Life in His Death’, The New York Times, 31 January, http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/01/world/europe/01bulgaria.html?_r=0</ref>; Bulanova 2008: 54-57<ref>Bulanova, G. 2008. ‘From Sofia to Brussels –
Corrupt Democratization in the Context of European Integration’, Romanian Journal of Political Science, 8: 53-68</ref>; Bulanova-Hristova 2011: 343f.<ref>Bulanova-Hristova, G. 2011. Von Sofia nach Brüssel. Korrupte Demokratisierung im Kontext der europäischen Integration. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft</ref>; Carvajal and Castle 2008<ref>Carvajal, D. and Castle, S. 2008. ‘Mob Muscles Its Way Into Politics in Bulgaria’, The New York Times, 16 October, http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CE4DE1431F935A25753C1A96E9C8B63&pagewanted=all</ref>; Outhwaite and Ray 2005, 81f.<ref>Outhwaite, W. and Ray, L. 2005. Social Theory and Postcommunism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd</ref>; Dzhekova and Rusev 2015: 32f.<ref>Dzhekova, R. and Rusev, A. 2015. ‘Bulgaria’, in: Franziska Klopfer and Nelleke van Amstel (eds.), A Force for Good? Mapping the private security landscape in Southeast Europe. Geneva: Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces: 31-60</ref>).
Corrupt Democratization in the Context of European Integration’, Romanian Journal of Political Science, 8: 53-68</ref>; Bulanova-Hristova 2011: 343f.<ref>Bulanova-Hristova, G. 2011. Von Sofia nach Brüssel. Korrupte Demokratisierung im Kontext der europäischen Integration. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft</ref>; Carvajal and Castle 2008<ref>Carvajal, D. and Castle, S. 2008. ‘Mob Muscles Its Way Into Politics in Bulgaria’, The New York Times, 16 October, http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CE4DE1431F935A25753C1A96E9C8B63&pagewanted=all</ref>; Outhwaite and Ray 2005, 81f.<ref>Outhwaite, W. and Ray, L. 2005. Social Theory and Postcommunism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd</ref>; Dzhekova and Rusev 2015: 32f.<ref>Dzhekova, R. and Rusev, A. 2015. ‘Bulgaria’, in: Franziska Klopfer and Nelleke van Amstel (eds.), A Force for Good? Mapping the private security landscape in Southeast Europe. Geneva: Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces: 31-60</ref>).


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