Difference between revisions of "Vernaculars of informality"

Vernaculars of informality (view source)

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 Academics, policy-makers, and third sector actors have until recently paid very little attention to local vocabularies of informality, preferring instead universal definitions of corruption which take little account of the socio-economic or cultural difference across time, space, and context (Haller and Shore 2005<ref>Haller, Dieter and Shore, Cris. 2005. Corruption: anthropological perspectives. London: Pluto Press.</ref>). Paying attention to the use of local idioms for informal practices can provide a fruitful method for questioning such ‘one model fits all’ approaches to investigating informal activities by allowing for a nuanced, case-specific approach to the phenomena. Because they often take place in the ‘grey zones’ which exist between the legal and illegal, and the moral and immoral, language and gesture are important vehicles for expressing that which must remain unsaid (Brković 2015<ref>Brković, Čarna. 2015. ‘Management of ambiguity: favours and flexibility in Bosnia and Herzegovina’, Social Anthropology/Antropologie Sociale, 23(3):268-282.</ref>). Taking local expressions and uses of language seriously can thus provide greater insight into the ‘knowing smiles’ and ‘open secrets’ (Ledeneva 2011<ref>Ledeneva, Alena. 2011. ‘Open Secrets and Knowing Smiles’, East European Politics and Societies, 25(4): 720-736.</ref>) through which various forms of official and unofficial exchanges operate, as well as the spaces of ‘productive ambivalence’ created by such transactions (Stan 2012<ref>Stan, Sabine. 2012. ‘Neither commodities nor gifts: post-socialist informal exchanges in the Romanian healthcare system’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 18(1): 65-82.</ref>). As such, they can be an effective tool for studying not only the socio-economic and political context in which these practices take place, but the manner in which the economy itself is imagined, expressed, and contested by policy-makers and citizens alike. Finally, by situating vernacular idioms within their wider communicative context of embodied expressions – including gestures, jokes, local forms of gift-giving, and kinship idioms – we can appreciate the particularity of different traditions and language ideologies that shape the ways in which people act, and make valuations and judgments (Henig and Makovicky 2016<ref>Henig, David and Makovicky, Nicolette. (eds.) 2016. Economies of Favour after Socialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.</ref>; Lambek 2010<ref>Lambek, Michael. 2010. Ordinary Ethics: Anthropology, Language, and Action. New York: Fordham University Press.</ref>).
-Although they reveal considerable variation in approaches and attitudes to informal practices, local euphemisms from across the world all have one thing in common: ''an aesthetics of deception''. They work to deflect attention from a corrupt practice or minimise its importance. Whether it happens on the street, or in the boardroom, informality rests on the abuse of power and privilege. But popular euphemisms often deny this reality and present corrupt behaviour as altruistic ‘favours’ for friends. In Azerbaijani, the word commonly used for bribe (''hörmət'') is inter-changeable with the word for respect. An official requesting a bribe (''hörmətimi elə'') will therefore ask you to ‘do him a favour’ or ‘pay him some respect’. In many regions, what is technically ‘illegal’ may in fact be acceptable or even moral. In China, for example, health-care workers and government officials might expect a ‘little token of gratitude’ (''yidian xinyi'') for their services. As it is said in Russia, ‘you cannot put “thank you” into your pocket’ (''‘spasibo v karman ne polozhish’''). The language of bribery is also closely related to that of gifting. In Hungary, doctors and nurses can expect a ‘gratuity’ (''hálapénz'') from their patients in the form of an envelope containing money, while in Slovakia the term [[pozornosť]] denotes a token of appreciation given in dealings with officials, including public services such as health and education. In Poland, gifts in kind turn a faceless bureaucrat into an ‘acquaintance’ (''znajomość'') who may be able to ‘arrange things’ (''załatwić sprawy'') for you in the future. Such expressions tell us two things. One is that these ‘tokens of gratitude’ are not just payments, they are about making friends in the right places. Another is that people excuse their own behaviour as altruism while accusing others doing the same of showing unfair or illegal favouritism.
+Although they reveal considerable variation in approaches and attitudes to informal practices, local euphemisms from across the world all have one thing in common: ''an aesthetics of deception''. They work to deflect attention from a corrupt practice or minimise its importance. Whether it happens on the street, or in the boardroom, informality rests on the abuse of power and privilege. But popular euphemisms often deny this reality and present corrupt behaviour as altruistic ‘favours’ for friends. In Azerbaijani, the word commonly used for bribe (''hörmət'') is inter-changeable with the word for respect. An official requesting a bribe (''hörmətimi elə'') will therefore ask you to ‘do him a favour’ or ‘pay him some respect’. In many regions, what is technically ‘illegal’ may in fact be acceptable or even moral. In China, for example, health-care workers and government officials might expect a ‘little token of gratitude’ (''yidian xinyi'') for their services. As it is said in Russia, ‘you cannot put “thank you” into your pocket’ (''‘spasibo v karman ne polozhish’''). The language of bribery is also closely related to that of gifting. In Hungary, doctors and nurses can expect a ‘gratuity’ (''hálapénz'') from their patients in the form of an envelope containing money, while in Slovakia the term [[pozornosť|pozornosť, ďakovné, všimné]] denotes a token of appreciation given in dealings with officials, including public services such as health and education. In Poland, gifts in kind turn a faceless bureaucrat into an ‘acquaintance’ (''znajomość'') who may be able to ‘arrange things’ (''załatwić sprawy'') for you in the future. Such expressions tell us two things. One is that these ‘tokens of gratitude’ are not just payments, they are about making friends in the right places. Another is that people excuse their own behaviour as altruism while accusing others doing the same of showing unfair or illegal favouritism.
 Like beauty, then, financial and moral corruption exists in the eye of the beholder. Popular phrases used for speaking about corruption are often poetic or metaphorical. Some make reference to unmarked envelopes and other means of concealment. The well-known English phrase describing money being passed ‘under the table’, for example, also exists in French (''dessous de table''), Farsi (''zir-e mize''), and Swedish (''pengar under bordet''). Other expressions emphasize movement. In Hungary, ‘oiling money’ (''kenöpénz'') is paid to officials to grease the wheels of bureaucracy, while the Russians know it is sometime necessary to put something on the palm of an official’s hand (''‘polozhit na ladon’'' or ''‘dat’ana lapu’'') in order to move things along. Other phrases work to deflect attention from a corrupt action or to minimize its importance. The Swahili expression ''kitu kidogo'' (‘something small’) is a good example of this. In the Ivory Coast the police used to ask for a ''pourboire'' (the cost of a drink), comparing the size of the bribe to that of a small tip. In sub-Saharan Africa, customs officers ask for ''l’sk for du carburant'' (‘petrol money’). The Brazilian term for a bribe – a ‘little coffee’ (''um cafezinho'') – also doubles as the term for a tip in the conventional sense. The universal popularity of tea and coffee as metaphors for bribes points to another way euphemisms function to conceal the true nature of a corrupt transaction. In Afghanistan and Iran the expression for a bribe is ''poul-e-chai'', meaning ‘money for tea’. In both countries, tea-drinking is an essential part of social life. Asking for ‘money for tea’ thus carries the suggestion that the bribe will be shared with others.