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'''''Original text by Sven Horak''''' | '''''Original text by Sven Horak''''' | ||
The Japanese term ''jinmyaku'' (人脈) loosely translates as ‘personal connections’. The word ''jin'' stands for ‘person’ and ''myaku'' translates as ‘vein’, as in a geological vein of mineral deposits. ''Jinmyaku'' is of paramount importance in business and politics and is vital in other aspects of life. Members of a ''jinmyaku'' network support and help each other in terms of career progression and in making decisions. Having a large ''jinmyaku'' network consisting of influential members is said to be ‘a symbol of security and status’ (Erez 1992: 57<ref>Erez, M. 1992. 'Interpersonal Communication Systems in Organisations, and their Relationships to Cultural Values, Productivity and Innovation: The Case of Japanese Corporations', Applied Psychology, 41(1): 43–64.</ref>). Establishing ''jinmyaku'' is a lifetime process which starts early in life at a child’s school. Whereas the Japanese are known to be rather reserved towards people they do not know, an introduction by a third person through ''jinmyaku'' can open doors and help in debates or negotiations where rational arguments alone cannot secure an agreement (Mitsubishi Corporation 2011<ref>Mitsubishi Corporation. 2011. Japanese Business Language. An Essential Dictionary. Oxon: Routledge.</ref>). | The Japanese term ''jinmyaku'' (人脈) loosely translates as ‘personal connections’. The word ''jin'' stands for ‘person’ and ''myaku'' translates as ‘vein’, as in a geological vein of mineral deposits. ''Jinmyaku'' is of paramount importance in business and politics and is vital in other aspects of life. Members of a ''jinmyaku'' network support and help each other in terms of career progression and in making decisions. Having a large ''jinmyaku'' network consisting of influential members is said to be ‘a symbol of security and status’ (Erez 1992: 57<ref>Erez, M. 1992. 'Interpersonal Communication Systems in Organisations, and their Relationships to Cultural Values, Productivity and Innovation: The Case of Japanese Corporations', Applied Psychology, 41(1): 43–64.</ref>). Establishing ''jinmyaku'' is a lifetime process which starts early in life at a child’s school. Whereas the Japanese are known to be rather reserved towards people they do not know, an introduction by a third person through ''jinmyaku'' can open doors and help in debates or negotiations where rational arguments alone cannot secure an agreement (Mitsubishi Corporation 2011<ref>Mitsubishi Corporation. 2011. Japanese Business Language. An Essential Dictionary. Oxon: Routledge.</ref>). | ||
In comparison with Westerners, Japanese people in general are considered to be less sociable in terms of establishing social ties through small talk, or in establishing friendships with foreigners, defined here as persons who belong to a different organisation or community (Nakane 1965<ref>Nakane, C. 1965. 'Towards a Theory of Japanese Social Structure. An Unilateral Society', The Economic Weekly, 17(5-6-7): 197–216.</ref>; Scarborough 1998<ref>Scarborough, J. 1998. The Origins of Cultural Differences and Their Impact on Management. Westport, CT: Quorum.</ref>). In terms of ascribing trust and sociality, Japanese people tend to distinguish between in- and out-groups. The depth and prioritisation of relationships tends to correlate with their duration, thus long-term relationships are maintained on a preferential basis. This is in direct contrast to the ways in which social ties are formed in the West, where people meet less often and frequently move according to career demands, which requires them to develop new social ties in their new place of residence. Westerners tend to establish affinity to others on the basis of shared traits and interests; the Japanese do so on the basis of shared affiliations, obligations or allegiance. Accordingly, the resulting focus on personal relationships, both formal and informal, means that Japan has often been described as a ‘network society’ (Kumon 1992<ref>Kumon, S. 1992. 'Japan as a Network Society', in S. Kumon and H. Rosovsky (eds.), Political Economy of Japan (3), Cultural and Social Dynamics (pp. 109–41). Stanford: Stanford University Press.</ref>). | In comparison with Westerners, Japanese people in general are considered to be less sociable in terms of establishing social ties through small talk, or in establishing friendships with foreigners, defined here as persons who belong to a different organisation or community (Nakane 1965<ref>Nakane, C. 1965. 'Towards a Theory of Japanese Social Structure. An Unilateral Society', The Economic Weekly, 17(5-6-7): 197–216.</ref>; Scarborough 1998<ref>Scarborough, J. 1998. The Origins of Cultural Differences and Their Impact on Management. Westport, CT: Quorum.</ref>). In terms of ascribing trust and sociality, Japanese people tend to distinguish between in- and out-groups. The depth and prioritisation of relationships tends to correlate with their duration, thus long-term relationships are maintained on a preferential basis. This is in direct contrast to the ways in which social ties are formed in the West, where people meet less often and frequently move according to career demands, which requires them to develop new social ties in their new place of residence. Westerners tend to establish affinity to others on the basis of shared traits and interests; the Japanese do so on the basis of shared affiliations, obligations or allegiance. Accordingly, the resulting focus on personal relationships, both formal and informal, means that Japan has often been described as a ‘network society’ (Kumon 1992<ref>Kumon, S. 1992. 'Japan as a Network Society', in S. Kumon and H. Rosovsky (eds.), Political Economy of Japan (3), Cultural and Social Dynamics (pp. 109–41). Stanford: Stanford University Press.</ref>). | ||
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The typical flow of communication in Japanese firms (see Figure 1) is characterised by a strong top-down attachment, according to corporate hierarchy, which is determined by seniority. Frequent direct communication with lower ranked employees is encouraged, as is involvement in training activities or employee selection. Top-level managers in Japan are expected to be approachable. Whereas the decision-making process originates at the top of the hierarchy, the bottom-up approach ensures that each employee is involved, informed and able to contribute to the solution. This ensures consensus among employees and is considered to improve the quality of decision-making. It is usual for middle management to formally trigger a decision-making process by circulating a document to be signed (by stamp) by each manager involved (the so-called ‘ringi system’), to show approval. Simultaneously informal discussions take place to exchange ideas, reach consensus and convince others, with the aim of attaining compromise among the decision makers involved (Erez 1992<ref>Erez, M. 1992. 'Interpersonal Communication Systems in Organisations, and their Relationships to Cultural Values, Productivity and Innovation: The Case of Japanese Corporations', Applied Psychology, 41(1): 43–64.</ref>). ''Jinmyaku'' is a precondition for influencing and reaching decisions. In the first instance it is applied internally within a company, however, as private and business spheres are not separate in Japan, ''jinmyaku'' is also part of informal meetings outside of the workplace. Interactions include dinner or drinks meetings, and weekend sporting activities with colleagues, superiors, suppliers, subcontractors and other external stakeholders. | The typical flow of communication in Japanese firms (see Figure 1) is characterised by a strong top-down attachment, according to corporate hierarchy, which is determined by seniority. Frequent direct communication with lower ranked employees is encouraged, as is involvement in training activities or employee selection. Top-level managers in Japan are expected to be approachable. Whereas the decision-making process originates at the top of the hierarchy, the bottom-up approach ensures that each employee is involved, informed and able to contribute to the solution. This ensures consensus among employees and is considered to improve the quality of decision-making. It is usual for middle management to formally trigger a decision-making process by circulating a document to be signed (by stamp) by each manager involved (the so-called ‘ringi system’), to show approval. Simultaneously informal discussions take place to exchange ideas, reach consensus and convince others, with the aim of attaining compromise among the decision makers involved (Erez 1992<ref>Erez, M. 1992. 'Interpersonal Communication Systems in Organisations, and their Relationships to Cultural Values, Productivity and Innovation: The Case of Japanese Corporations', Applied Psychology, 41(1): 43–64.</ref>). ''Jinmyaku'' is a precondition for influencing and reaching decisions. In the first instance it is applied internally within a company, however, as private and business spheres are not separate in Japan, ''jinmyaku'' is also part of informal meetings outside of the workplace. Interactions include dinner or drinks meetings, and weekend sporting activities with colleagues, superiors, suppliers, subcontractors and other external stakeholders. | ||
''Jinmyaku'' is important in an external context, as seen in the practice of former retired government officials becoming managers of large businesses, usually at 55–60 years of age. This practice is common in Japan and is known by the term | ''Jinmyaku'' is important in an external context, as seen in the practice of former retired government officials becoming managers of large businesses, usually at 55–60 years of age. This practice is common in Japan and is known by the term [[amakudari]] ([天下り] ‘decent from heaven’, derived from ''ama'' meaning heaven and ''kudari'' meaning descending. Through ''amakudari'', the government is able to influence and control decision making within a company; in return the company benefits from close ties to the government through the retired bureaucrats (Kevenhörster et al. 2003<ref>Kevenhörster, P., Pascha, W., Shire, K. 2003. Japan. Wirtschaft Gesellschaft Politik. Opladen: Leske & Budrich.</ref>). This practice has often been associated with corrupt activity as the government-officials-turned-managers help to acquire public contracts, delay inspections and ensure various forms of preferential treatment through their ''jinmyaku'' network within the administration (Suzuki 1989<ref>Suzuki, N. 1989. The Attributes of Japanese CEOs: Can They be Trained?', Journal of Management Development, 8(4): 5–11.</ref>; van Wolferen 1993<ref>Van Wolferen, K. 1993. The Enigma of Japanese Power. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle.</ref>). | ||
==Notes== | ==Notes== | ||