5,669
edits
Difference between revisions of "Dzhinsa (Russia and FSU)"
Jump to navigation
Jump to search
no edit summary
| Line 12: | Line 12: | ||
The term is widespread in journalists’ milieu in Russia – as shown by the numerous press articles on the practice – but the term is not widely recognised by the general public. The term is also used in other former Soviet republics, for example by Ukrainian journalists (Iwanski 2012<ref>Iwanski, T. 2012. ‘The press and freedom of speech in Ukraine ahead of parliamentary elections’, ''OSW Commentary'': 90, [Policy Paper], 20 September | The term is widespread in journalists’ milieu in Russia – as shown by the numerous press articles on the practice – but the term is not widely recognised by the general public. The term is also used in other former Soviet republics, for example by Ukrainian journalists (Iwanski 2012<ref>Iwanski, T. 2012. ‘The press and freedom of speech in Ukraine ahead of parliamentary elections’, ''OSW Commentary'': 90, [Policy Paper], 20 September | ||
http://aei.pitt.edu/58378/1/commentary_90.pdf</ref>). The verbal form ''dzhinsit’'' expresses the act of receiving money for the publication of paid materials in the media. It is one of a range of informal practices known collectively as ''chernyi piar'' (literally ‘black PR’) or ''chernukha'', which developed after the fall of the Soviet Union (Ledeneva 2006; see also entry on ''chernukha'' in this volume). ''Dzhinsa'' can be used as a tool to both promote (also known as ''zakazukha''), or to discredit (see entry on ''kompromat ''in this volume) (Iwanski 2012<ref>Iwanski, T. 2012. ‘The press and freedom of speech in Ukraine ahead of parliamentary elections’, ''OSW Commentary'': 90, [Policy Paper], 20 September | http://aei.pitt.edu/58378/1/commentary_90.pdf</ref>). The verbal form ''dzhinsit’'' expresses the act of receiving money for the publication of paid materials in the media. It is one of a range of informal practices known collectively as ''chernyi piar'' (literally ‘black PR’) or ''chernukha'', which developed after the fall of the Soviet Union (Ledeneva 2006; see also entry on ''chernukha'' in this volume). ''Dzhinsa'' can be used as a tool to both promote (also known as ''zakazukha''), or to discredit (see entry on ''[[kompromat]] ''in this volume) (Iwanski 2012<ref>Iwanski, T. 2012. ‘The press and freedom of speech in Ukraine ahead of parliamentary elections’, ''OSW Commentary'': 90, [Policy Paper], 20 September | ||
http://aei.pitt.edu/58378/1/commentary_90.pdf</ref>). Academic works on the Russian media make little reference to ''dzhinsa'', despite the term’s common use in journalistic circles. Lack of sources makes empirical analysis difficult. Journalists speak of it as a widespread phenomenon, but are reluctant to provide concrete details about it, such as information about prices, frequency, and the actors involved. Nevertheless, Koltsova (2006<ref>Koltsova, O. 2006. ''News Media and Power in Russia''. London and New York: Routledge </ref>) succeeded in gathering and analysing data about ''dzhinsa'' in the Russian media at the beginning of the 2000s. | http://aei.pitt.edu/58378/1/commentary_90.pdf</ref>). Academic works on the Russian media make little reference to ''dzhinsa'', despite the term’s common use in journalistic circles. Lack of sources makes empirical analysis difficult. Journalists speak of it as a widespread phenomenon, but are reluctant to provide concrete details about it, such as information about prices, frequency, and the actors involved. Nevertheless, Koltsova (2006<ref>Koltsova, O. 2006. ''News Media and Power in Russia''. London and New York: Routledge </ref>) succeeded in gathering and analysing data about ''dzhinsa'' in the Russian media at the beginning of the 2000s. | ||
<div class="mw-collapsible-content"> | <div class="mw-collapsible-content"> | ||