Difference between revisions of "Jinmyaku (Japan)"

In comparison with Westerners, Japanese people in general are considered to be less sociable in terms of establishing social ties through small talk, or in establishing friendships with foreigners, defined here as persons who belong to a different organisation or community (Nakane 1965<ref>Nakane, C. 1965. 'Towards a Theory of Japanese Social Structure. An Unilateral Society', The Economic Weekly, 17(5-6-7): 197–216.</ref>; Scarborough 1998<ref>Scarborough, J. 1998. The Origins of Cultural Differences and Their Impact on Management. Westport, CT: Quorum.</ref>). In terms of ascribing trust and sociality, Japanese people tend to distinguish between in- and out-groups. The depth and prioritisation of relationships tends to correlate with their duration, thus long-term relationships are maintained on a preferential basis. This is in direct contrast to the ways in which social ties are formed in the West, where people meet less often and frequently move according to career demands, which requires them to develop new social ties in their new place of residence. Westerners tend to establish affinity to others on the basis of shared traits and interests; the Japanese do so on the basis of shared affiliations, obligations or allegiance. Accordingly, the resulting focus on personal relationships, both formal and informal, means that Japan has often been described as a ‘network society’ (Kumon 1992<ref>Kumon, S. 1992. 'Japan as a Network Society', in S. Kumon and H. Rosovsky (eds.), Political Economy of Japan (3), Cultural and Social Dynamics (pp. 109–41). Stanford: Stanford University Press.</ref>).

In comparison with Westerners, Japanese people in general are considered to be less sociable in terms of establishing social ties through small talk, or in establishing friendships with foreigners, defined here as persons who belong to a different organisation or community (Nakane 1965<ref>Nakane, C. 1965. 'Towards a Theory of Japanese Social Structure. An Unilateral Society', The Economic Weekly, 17(5-6-7): 197–216.</ref>; Scarborough 1998<ref>Scarborough, J. 1998. The Origins of Cultural Differences and Their Impact on Management. Westport, CT: Quorum.</ref>). In terms of ascribing trust and sociality, Japanese people tend to distinguish between in- and out-groups. The depth and prioritisation of relationships tends to correlate with their duration, thus long-term relationships are maintained on a preferential basis. This is in direct contrast to the ways in which social ties are formed in the West, where people meet less often and frequently move according to career demands, which requires them to develop new social ties in their new place of residence. Westerners tend to establish affinity to others on the basis of shared traits and interests; the Japanese do so on the basis of shared affiliations, obligations or allegiance. Accordingly, the resulting focus on personal relationships, both formal and informal, means that Japan has often been described as a ‘network society’ (Kumon 1992<ref>Kumon, S. 1992. 'Japan as a Network Society', in S. Kumon and H. Rosovsky (eds.), Political Economy of Japan (3), Cultural and Social Dynamics (pp. 109–41). Stanford: Stanford University Press.</ref>).

''Jinmyaku'' is important in an external context, as seen in the practice of former retired government officials becoming managers of large businesses, usually at 55–60 years of age. This practice is common in Japan and is known by the term [[amakudari]] ([天下り] ‘decent from heaven’, derived from ''ama'' meaning heaven and ''kudari'' meaning descending. Through ''amakudari'', the government is able to influence and control decision making within a company; in return the company benefits from close ties to the government through the retired bureaucrats (Kevenhörster et al. 2003<ref>Kevenhörster, P., Pascha, W., Shire, K. 2003. Japan. Wirtschaft Gesellschaft Politik. Opladen: Leske & Budrich.</ref>). This practice has often been associated with corrupt activity as the government-officials-turned-managers help to acquire public contracts, delay inspections and ensure various forms of preferential treatment through their ''jinmyaku'' network within the administration (Suzuki 1989<ref>Suzuki, N. 1989. The Attributes of Japanese CEOs: Can They be Trained?', Journal of Management Development, 8(4): 5–11.</ref>; van Wolferen 1993<ref>Van Wolferen, K. 1993. The Enigma of Japanese Power. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle.</ref>).

''Jinmyaku'' is important in an external context, as seen in the practice of former retired government officials becoming managers of large businesses, usually at 55–60 years of age. This practice is common in Japan and is known by the term [[amakudari]] ([天下り] ‘decent from heaven’, derived from ''ama'' meaning heaven and ''kudari'' meaning descending. Through ''amakudari'', the government is able to influence and control decision making within a company; in return the company benefits from close ties to the government through the retired bureaucrats (Kevenhörster et al. 2003<ref>Kevenhörster, P., Pascha, W., Shire, K. 2003. Japan. Wirtschaft Gesellschaft Politik. Opladen: Leske & Budrich.</ref>). This practice has often been associated with corrupt activity as the government-officials-turned-managers help to acquire public contracts, delay inspections and ensure various forms of preferential treatment through their ''jinmyaku'' network within the administration (Suzuki 1989<ref>Suzuki, N. 1989. The Attributes of Japanese CEOs: Can They be Trained?', Journal of Management Development, 8(4): 5–11.</ref>; van Wolferen 1993<ref>Van Wolferen, K. 1993. The Enigma of Japanese Power. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle.</ref>).