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{{infobox | {{infobox | ||
| nameofpractice =Omertà | |||
| flagemoji =🇮🇹 | |||
| definition =Unwritten code of keeping silent about crimes or deviant acts, particularly those perpetrated by mafia groups | |||
| location =Italy | |||
| imagemap =Italy map.png | |||
| clusters = | |||
}} | [[:Category:Solidarity|Solidarity]] – [[:Category: Normative ambivalence| Normative ambivalence]] – [[:Category: Conformity| Conformity]] – [[:Category: Lock-in effect| Lock-in effect]] – [[:Category: Semi-closed lock-in| Semi-closed lock-in]] | ||
| categories = | |||
[[:Category:Italy|Italy]] – [[:Category: Europe| Europe]] – [[:Category: EU| EU]] – [[:Category: Mafia| Mafia]] | |||
| authorofpiece =Anna Sergi | |||
| authorinstitution =Department of Sociology, University of Essex, UK | |||
Omertà denotes a code of honour that requires a person to maintain silence about crimes or other illegal actions that they either witnessed or came to know about, whether directly or indirectly. The individual is obliged to protect the identity of the perpetrator and must not reveal any information that might draw the perpetrator to the attention of the authorities. This is the case even when the individual was themself the victim of the crime. | | authorwebsite =[https://www.essex.ac.uk/people/sergi58502/anna-sergi Profile page at UE]}} | ||
<big>'''By Anna Sergi, Department of Sociology, University of Essex, UK'''</big> | |||
[[Category:Solidarity]] | |||
[[Category: Normative ambivalence]] | |||
[[Category: Conformity]] | |||
[[Category: Lock-in effect]] | |||
[[Category: Semi-closed lock-in]] | |||
[[Category:Italy]] | |||
[[Category: Europe]] | |||
[[Category: EU]] | |||
[[Category: Mafia]] | |||
[[Category:Entry]] | |||
[[Category: Volume 1]] | |||
{| class="wikitable" | |||
|- | |||
|style="font-size:1.1em;"|Omertà denotes a code of honour that requires a person to maintain silence about crimes or other illegal actions that they either witnessed or came to know about, whether directly or indirectly. The individual is obliged to protect the identity of the perpetrator and must not reveal any information that might draw the perpetrator to the attention of the authorities. This is the case even when the individual was themself the victim of the crime. | |||
|} | |||
The term is used almost exclusively in connection with crimes committed by mafia-type organisations. It enables such organisation to rely on the omertà of entire communities as protection against investigation and/or prosecution by state law-enforcement agencies. | The term is used almost exclusively in connection with crimes committed by mafia-type organisations. It enables such organisation to rely on the omertà of entire communities as protection against investigation and/or prosecution by state law-enforcement agencies. | ||
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Clearly, however, omertà is not a positive practice. The opposite is the case. Civic engagement is a crucial factor in the fight against organised crime (Cayli 2013<ref>Cayli B. 2013. 'Italian Civil Society against the Mafia: From Perceptions to Expectations,' International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 41(1): 81-99.</ref>). This is especially true in those regions were law-enforcement agencies struggle to penetrate the dense networks of mafia engagement. If the fight against mafias is to succeed, it will be essential for local populations actively to reject mafia influence and dominance (Dickie 2007<ref>Dickie J. 2007. Cosa Nostra: A History of the Sicilian Mafia. London: Hodder.</ref>; Arlacchi 1986<ref>Arlacchi P. 1986. Mafia Business : Mafia Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, London: Verso.</ref>; La Spina 2014<ref>La Spina A. 2014. 'The Fight against the Italian Mafia,' in Paoli L. (ed) The Oxford Handbook of Organized Crime. Oxford: Oxford University Press.</ref>). At the same time, however, omertà should not be considered simply as a clear-cut code of (mafia) (dis)honour to which people from certain areas and certain cultures subscribe. Omertà can be found in many forms and in many communities around the world, but it goes under different names and is not always commonly recognised for what it is. | Clearly, however, omertà is not a positive practice. The opposite is the case. Civic engagement is a crucial factor in the fight against organised crime (Cayli 2013<ref>Cayli B. 2013. 'Italian Civil Society against the Mafia: From Perceptions to Expectations,' International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 41(1): 81-99.</ref>). This is especially true in those regions were law-enforcement agencies struggle to penetrate the dense networks of mafia engagement. If the fight against mafias is to succeed, it will be essential for local populations actively to reject mafia influence and dominance (Dickie 2007<ref>Dickie J. 2007. Cosa Nostra: A History of the Sicilian Mafia. London: Hodder.</ref>; Arlacchi 1986<ref>Arlacchi P. 1986. Mafia Business : Mafia Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, London: Verso.</ref>; La Spina 2014<ref>La Spina A. 2014. 'The Fight against the Italian Mafia,' in Paoli L. (ed) The Oxford Handbook of Organized Crime. Oxford: Oxford University Press.</ref>). At the same time, however, omertà should not be considered simply as a clear-cut code of (mafia) (dis)honour to which people from certain areas and certain cultures subscribe. Omertà can be found in many forms and in many communities around the world, but it goes under different names and is not always commonly recognised for what it is. | ||
==References== | |||