Difference between revisions of "Blat (Caucasus)"

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In Soviet Armenia, the term ''blat'' was used primarily by Russian-speaking residents of the capital city Yerevan. In post-communist times, ‘using ''blat''’ can refer to a plethora of informal practices ranging from gift-giving to preferential treatment in formal institutions<ref>Babajanian, Babken V. 2008. ‘Social capital and community participation in post-Soviet Armenia: Implications for policy and practice’, Europe-Asia Studies, 60(8): 1299-1319.</ref>. More commonly, however, the term ''blat'' is employed under various circumstances to describe the use of personal connections. Similarly, ''blat'' in Azerbaijan occurs mainly in urban contexts and is mentioned mostly by residents of the capital city Baku<ref>Aliyev, Huseyn. 2015a. ‘Informal Networks as Sources of Human (In)Security in the South Caucasus’, Global Change, Peace & Security, 27(2): 1-16.</ref>. Both ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking Azeri residents of Baku use the term ''blat'' to denote favour-based informal relationships<ref>Aliyev, Huseyn. 2013. ‘Post-Communist Informal Networking: Blat in the South Caucasus’, Demokratizatsiya: Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, 21(1): 98-111.</ref>. Whereas residents of other major urban centres (Ganja, Sheki, etc.) are vaguely familiar with the term, ''blat'' is unknown to individuals originating from rural settlements. In contrast to Azeri ''[[taps]]'', which functions primarily in urban areas and is used to access formal institutions and widely employed in the search for jobs, ''blat'' exists not as a practice but as an umbrella concept with a connotation of personal influence and strength of one’s networks. To have '''blat''' means to have a well-developed system of personal networks, which can assist individuals in day-to-day life. Each of these contacts in a ''blat'' network may be used to obtain more specific ''[[taps]]''-favours. In other words, unlike more abstract networking-centred use of the term ''blat'', ''[[taps]]'' refers to the actual process of favour-provision. Research conducted by the author in several of Baku’s suburbs in 2013-14, revealed that references to blat are waning with the steady decline in numbers of Russian-speakers.
In Soviet Armenia, the term ''blat'' was used primarily by Russian-speaking residents of the capital city Yerevan. In post-communist times, ‘using ''blat''’ can refer to a plethora of informal practices ranging from gift-giving to preferential treatment in formal institutions<ref>Babajanian, Babken V. 2008. ‘Social capital and community participation in post-Soviet Armenia: Implications for policy and practice’, Europe-Asia Studies, 60(8): 1299-1319.</ref>. More commonly, however, the term ''blat'' is employed under various circumstances to describe the use of personal connections. Similarly, ''blat'' in Azerbaijan occurs mainly in urban contexts and is mentioned mostly by residents of the capital city Baku<ref>Aliyev, Huseyn. 2015a. ‘Informal Networks as Sources of Human (In)Security in the South Caucasus’, Global Change, Peace & Security, 27(2): 1-16.</ref>. Both ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking Azeri residents of Baku use the term ''blat'' to denote favour-based informal relationships<ref>Aliyev, Huseyn. 2013. ‘Post-Communist Informal Networking: Blat in the South Caucasus’, Demokratizatsiya: Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, 21(1): 98-111.</ref>. Whereas residents of other major urban centres (Ganja, Sheki, etc.) are vaguely familiar with the term, ''blat'' is unknown to individuals originating from rural settlements. In contrast to Azeri ''[[taps]]'', which functions primarily in urban areas and is used to access formal institutions and widely employed in the search for jobs, ''blat'' exists not as a practice but as an umbrella concept with a connotation of personal influence and strength of one’s networks. To have ''blat'' means to have a well-developed system of personal networks, which can assist individuals in day-to-day life. Each of these contacts in a ''blat'' network may be used to obtain more specific ''[[taps]]''-favours. In other words, unlike more abstract networking-centred use of the term ''blat'', ''[[taps]]'' refers to the actual process of favour-provision. Research conducted by the author in several of Baku’s suburbs in 2013-14, revealed that references to blat are waning with the steady decline in numbers of Russian-speakers.


Among three South Caucasian republics, Georgia has historically been less exposed to the influence of blat-culture. For example, fieldwork conducted by Altman<ref>Altman, Yochanan. 1983. A reconstruction, using anthropological methods, of the second economy of Soviet Georgia. Enfield: Middlesex Polytechnic.</ref> among Georgian-Jewish émigré communities in the 1970s showed that none of his informants were familiar with the term ''blat'' or ''blatmeister''. More recent fieldwork carried out by the author in Georgia in 2013 revealed that although term ''blat'' is well-known among Tbilisi’s and Batumi’s intelligentsia and elites, the majority of common Georgians have either never heard of the term or are unsure about its meaning<ref>Aliyev, Huseyn. 2014. ‘The Effects of the Saakashvili Era Reforms on Informal Practices in the Republic of Georgia’, Studies of Transition States and Societies, 6(1): 21-35.</ref>. For instance, when asked about the meaning of ''blat'', many informants from among the general public, regardless of age and gender differences, admitted to never having used the word. In the author’s observation, the use of and familiarity with ''blat'' in Georgia is conditioned by an individual’s acquaintance with the Russian culture and the way of life. Those few Georgians who admitted to using the term ''blat'' primarily understood the practice as that of Georgian male-peers networks (''[[satzmosadokalo]]'') or somewhat similar to friendship (''[[megobroba]]'') networks.
Among three South Caucasian republics, Georgia has historically been less exposed to the influence of blat-culture. For example, fieldwork conducted by Altman<ref>Altman, Yochanan. 1983. A reconstruction, using anthropological methods, of the second economy of Soviet Georgia. Enfield: Middlesex Polytechnic.</ref> among Georgian-Jewish émigré communities in the 1970s showed that none of his informants were familiar with the term ''blat'' or ''blatmeister''. More recent fieldwork carried out by the author in Georgia in 2013 revealed that although term ''blat'' is well-known among Tbilisi’s and Batumi’s intelligentsia and elites, the majority of common Georgians have either never heard of the term or are unsure about its meaning<ref>Aliyev, Huseyn. 2014. ‘The Effects of the Saakashvili Era Reforms on Informal Practices in the Republic of Georgia’, Studies of Transition States and Societies, 6(1): 21-35.</ref>. For instance, when asked about the meaning of ''blat'', many informants from among the general public, regardless of age and gender differences, admitted to never having used the word. In the author’s observation, the use of and familiarity with ''blat'' in Georgia is conditioned by an individual’s acquaintance with the Russian culture and the way of life. Those few Georgians who admitted to using the term ''blat'' primarily understood the practice as that of Georgian male-peers networks (''[[satzmosadokalo]]'') or somewhat similar to friendship (''[[megobroba]]'') networks.

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