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Difference between revisions of "Gap (Uzbekistan)"
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[[:Category:Market|Market]] – [[:Category: Functional ambivalence| Functional ambivalence]] – [[:Category: System made me do it| System made me do it]] – [[:Category: Survival| Survival]] – [[:Category: Informal welfare| Informal welfare]] | [[:Category:Market|Market]] – [[:Category: Functional ambivalence| Functional ambivalence]] – [[:Category: System made me do it| System made me do it]] – [[:Category: Survival| Survival]] – [[:Category: Informal welfare| Informal welfare]] | ||
| categories = | | categories = | ||
[[:Category:Uzbekistan|Uzbekistan]] – [[:Category: FSU| FSU]] – [[:Category: Central Asia| Central Asia]] – [[:Category: Dinner| Dinner]] – [[:Category: Hospitality| Hospitality]] – [[:Category: Saving| Saving]] – [[:Category: Credit| Credit]] – [[:Category: Sociability| Sociability]] | [[:Category:Uzbekistan|Uzbekistan]] – [[:Category: FSU| FSU]] – [[:Category: Central Asia| Central Asia]] – [[:Category: Dinner| Dinner]] – [[:Category: Hospitality| Hospitality]] – [[:Category: Saving| Saving]] – [[:Category: Credit| Credit]] – [[:Category: Sociability| Sociability]] – [[:Category: ROSCA| ROSCA]] | ||
| authorofpiece =Timur Alexandrov | | authorofpiece =Timur Alexandrov | ||
| authorinstitution =Department of Sociology, University of Cambridge, UK | | authorinstitution =Department of Sociology, University of Cambridge, UK | ||
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[[Category: Credit]] | [[Category: Credit]] | ||
[[Category: Sociability]] | [[Category: Sociability]] | ||
[[Category: ROSCA]] | |||
[[Category:Entry]] | [[Category:Entry]] | ||
[[Category: Volume 2]] | [[Category: Volume 2]] | ||
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The practice of gaps has evolved over time to include modern trends such as joint savings funds as a social safety net, and the organisation of gaps among women. Joint savings funds make it possible to raise substantial amounts of cash in a short time. Members hand over to the host an agreed amount of cash at every dinner. In accordance with a pre-agreed rotation list, a lump sum will be handed over to the member whose turn it is to receive payment. In Uzbekistan, this process is known by the Russian term igrat’ v gap (literally, ‘to play in the gap’). How much each individual contributes varies from gap to gap. In some instances, members hand over 50,000 Uzbek Som (about US$ 19); in others, as much as 500,000 Uzbek Som (US$ 190). In gaps whose members are wealthy businessmen, individual contributions have been known to reach as much as one million Uzbek Som. The recipient is free to spend the money as he chooses: on family or personal needs, to launch a small business, or to purchase durable goods. Gap-generated funds may also be used to pay for a wedding toi (feast); this enables families with modest incomes to organise lavish wedding celebrations for as many as a thousand guests. | The practice of gaps has evolved over time to include modern trends such as joint savings funds as a social safety net, and the organisation of gaps among women. Joint savings funds make it possible to raise substantial amounts of cash in a short time. Members hand over to the host an agreed amount of cash at every dinner. In accordance with a pre-agreed rotation list, a lump sum will be handed over to the member whose turn it is to receive payment. In Uzbekistan, this process is known by the Russian term igrat’ v gap (literally, ‘to play in the gap’). How much each individual contributes varies from gap to gap. In some instances, members hand over 50,000 Uzbek Som (about US$ 19); in others, as much as 500,000 Uzbek Som (US$ 190). In gaps whose members are wealthy businessmen, individual contributions have been known to reach as much as one million Uzbek Som. The recipient is free to spend the money as he chooses: on family or personal needs, to launch a small business, or to purchase durable goods. Gap-generated funds may also be used to pay for a wedding toi (feast); this enables families with modest incomes to organise lavish wedding celebrations for as many as a thousand guests. | ||
In this respect, gaps closely resemble the practice of rotating savings and credit associations (ROSCAs), also known as peer-to-peer lending, which is found in many other parts of the world (see for example [[esusu]] in this volume). In the former USSR, the practice was known as kassa vzaimopomoshchi (mutual assistance fund) or [[chernaya kassa]] (black cashbox) (Kandiyoti 1998)<ref>Kandiyoti, D. 1998. 'Rural Livelihoods and Social Networks in Uzbekistan: Perspectives from Andijan', Central Asian Survey, 17(4): 561-78</ref>. The major difference between modern interest-free gap loans and ROSCAs is that the latter are aimed only at generating cash, whereas gaps provide social as well as financial benefits. Indeed, the social function remains considerably more important than the financial. For example, some gaps also generate a separate travel fund. This is collected during the year and is spent not on individual travel but on collective trips to the mountains, to sanatoriums, or to rent of [[dacha]] (country house). | In this respect, gaps closely resemble the practice of rotating savings and credit associations (ROSCAs), also known as peer-to-peer lending, which is found in many other parts of the world (see for example [[esusu]] in this volume). In the former USSR, the practice was known as [[kassa]] vzaimopomoshchi (mutual assistance fund) or [[chernaya kassa]] (black cashbox) (Kandiyoti 1998)<ref>Kandiyoti, D. 1998. 'Rural Livelihoods and Social Networks in Uzbekistan: Perspectives from Andijan', Central Asian Survey, 17(4): 561-78</ref>. The major difference between modern interest-free gap loans and ROSCAs is that the latter are aimed only at generating cash, whereas gaps provide social as well as financial benefits. Indeed, the social function remains considerably more important than the financial. For example, some gaps also generate a separate travel fund. This is collected during the year and is spent not on individual travel but on collective trips to the mountains, to sanatoriums, or to rent of [[dacha]] (country house). | ||
Women’s gaps trace their roots to the female labour cooperatives of the Soviet era (Bushkov 2002). Like men, women are likely to belong to several gaps. Also like their male counterparts, women’s gaps tend to be formed between neighbours, workmates, former classmates, neighbours and relations; wives often meet, for example, with the wives of their husbands’ circle of friends. Women’s gaps are generally organised according to age: middle-aged women meet together in one group, while young married women and kelins (daughters-in-law) meet in another. Membership of women’s gaps is by invitation-only and, in the case of kelins, the permission of the mother-in-law is also required. Women’s gaps tend to focus on entertainment and recreational activities. Women dress nicely for the occasion and do their best to project themselves as successful and happy mothers, sisters, kelins and wives. The money contributed at female gaps is used primarily to cover the cost of dinner. Anything left over goes to the hostess, to spend on her personal needs. Some contributions may also be generated for joint recreational activities. | Women’s gaps trace their roots to the female labour cooperatives of the Soviet era (Bushkov 2002). Like men, women are likely to belong to several gaps. Also like their male counterparts, women’s gaps tend to be formed between neighbours, workmates, former classmates, neighbours and relations; wives often meet, for example, with the wives of their husbands’ circle of friends. Women’s gaps are generally organised according to age: middle-aged women meet together in one group, while young married women and kelins (daughters-in-law) meet in another. Membership of women’s gaps is by invitation-only and, in the case of kelins, the permission of the mother-in-law is also required. Women’s gaps tend to focus on entertainment and recreational activities. Women dress nicely for the occasion and do their best to project themselves as successful and happy mothers, sisters, kelins and wives. The money contributed at female gaps is used primarily to cover the cost of dinner. Anything left over goes to the hostess, to spend on her personal needs. Some contributions may also be generated for joint recreational activities. | ||