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|style="font-size:1.1em;"| ''Chernaya kassa'' in Kyrgyzstan is a method of voluntarily issuing informal credit (Neuhauser, 1993), similar to the rotating savings and credit associations ([[:Category:ROSCA|ROSCAs]]). The command economy of the Soviet Union was an ‘economy of shortage’ (Kornai 1980). It produced constraints on the role of money and did not offer any form of consumer credit, which led to the increase of non-cash transactions and informal rotating credit system of chernaya kassa (Gaddy and Ickes 1998). In Kyrgyzstan, chernaya kassa was especially important credit-issuing institution during the transition period followed after the collapse of the Soviet Union when most labour-active people, especially women, were involved in informal economy of ''bazaars'' to supplement family income (see Őzcan 2006, Cieślewska 2013). Similar to household exchanges of gifts and hospitality, at the time aimed at economic survival, ''chernaya kassa'' can be considered a ‘household [survival] strategy’ (Werner 1998: 598). During the post-Soviet period, savings supported travel expenses of family members for labour migration. ''Kassa'' members stayed behind to back up the costs of migration for children or close relatives. ''Chernaya kassa'' is a widely spread practice in post-Soviet Central Asia beyond Kyrgyzstan (Wolters 2014), as it became a reliable, manageable and widespread informal mechanism of obtaining credit. | |style="font-size:1.1em;"| ''Chernaya kassa'' in Kyrgyzstan is a method of voluntarily issuing informal credit (Neuhauser, 1993), similar to the rotating savings and credit associations ([[:Category:ROSCA|ROSCAs]]). The term ''chernaya kassa'' comes from Russian, and translates as ‘black cashbox’. The command economy of the Soviet Union was an ‘economy of shortage’ (Kornai 1980). It produced constraints on the role of money and did not offer any form of consumer credit, which led to the increase of non-cash transactions and informal rotating credit system of ''chernaya kassa'' (Gaddy and Ickes 1998). In Kyrgyzstan, ''chernaya kassa'' was especially important credit-issuing institution during the transition period followed after the collapse of the Soviet Union when most labour-active people, especially women, were involved in informal economy of ''bazaars'' to supplement family income (see Őzcan 2006, Cieślewska 2013). Similar to household exchanges of gifts and hospitality, at the time aimed at economic survival, ''chernaya kassa'' can be considered a ‘household [survival] strategy’ (Werner 1998: 598). During the post-Soviet period, savings supported travel expenses of family members for labour migration. ''Kassa'' members stayed behind to back up the costs of migration for children or close relatives. ''Chernaya kassa'' is a widely spread practice in post-Soviet Central Asia beyond Kyrgyzstan (Wolters 2014), as it became a reliable, manageable and widespread informal mechanism of obtaining credit. | ||
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[[File:Chernaya kassa Kyrgyzstan.jpg|thumb|300px|left|A laid dastorkon for chernaya kassa in Osh, Kyrgyzstan. Source: Author. © Arzuu Sheranova.]] | [[File:Chernaya kassa Kyrgyzstan.jpg|thumb|300px|left|A laid dastorkon for chernaya kassa in Osh, Kyrgyzstan. Source: Author. © Arzuu Sheranova.]] | ||
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The success of ROSCAs relies on the code of honor, reputation and shame: “since all members know each other well, the cost of monitoring the use of the funds is low, and the members are in a good position to evaluate a recipient's ability to repay the loan” (Neuhauser 1993: 51). ROSCA-like mechanisms similar to ''chernaya kassa'' are common in developing countries of Latin America, African countries and in Asia (see similar [[:Category:Credit|informal credit practices]]). An analogous practice in the former Soviet Union was informal credit in the Soviet penal system, called [[obshchak]]. | The success of ROSCAs relies on the code of honor, reputation and shame: “since all members know each other well, the cost of monitoring the use of the funds is low, and the members are in a good position to evaluate a recipient's ability to repay the loan” (Neuhauser 1993: 51). ROSCA-like mechanisms similar to ''chernaya kassa'' are common in developing countries of Latin America, African countries and in Asia (see similar [[:Category:Credit|informal credit practices]]). An analogous practice in the former Soviet Union was informal credit in the Soviet penal system, called [[obshchak]]. | ||
The negative connotations related to ''chernaya kassa'' relate to political corruption, illicit party funds, and manipulation of the state budget by the elites (Barsukova and Zvyagintzev 2006, Zyryanova 2013, Gelman 2002) (see also [[cash for access]]). However, at a grassroots level in Kyrgyzstan, ''chernaya kassa'' has a positive image and is associated with mutual help. In contrast with ROSCAs, Kyrgyz ''chernaya kassa'' is connected to a tradition of laying food and drinks on the floor and often accompanied by spreading a ''dastorkon'', a traditional tablecloth used to serve food. On the occasion of rotating the savings, people get together over dinner or lunch, usually organized and paid for by the individual receiving savings. ''Chernaya kassa'' usually takes place once a month, and involve families, colleagues, classmates, relatives, neighbours, alumni or friends in a group of ten to twelve, who collect savings in turn and without any interest rates. Similar to [[tandas or cundinas]] in the northern part of Mexico and the south-west of the United States and [[gap]] in Uzbekistan, ''chernaya kassa'' in Kyrgyzstan, is more common among women (Kandiyoti 1998). For female entrepreneurs ''chernaya kassa'' is a good opportunity to advertise and sell their goods or services among the ''kassa'' members (Turaeva 2018). | The negative connotations related to ''chernaya kassa'' relate to political corruption, illicit party funds, and manipulation of the state budget by the elites (Barsukova and Zvyagintzev 2006, Zyryanova 2013, Gelman 2002) (see also [[cash for access]]). However, at a grassroots level in Kyrgyzstan, ''chernaya kassa'' has a positive image and is associated with mutual help. In contrast with ROSCAs, Kyrgyz ''chernaya kassa'' is connected to a tradition of laying food and drinks on the floor and often accompanied by spreading a ''dastorkon'', a traditional tablecloth used to serve food. On the occasion of rotating the savings, people get together over dinner or lunch, usually organized and paid for by the individual receiving savings. ''Chernaya kassa'' usually takes place once a month, and involve families, colleagues, classmates, relatives, neighbours, alumni or friends in a group of ten to twelve, who collect savings in turn and without any interest rates. Similar to [[tandas or cundinas]] in the northern part of Mexico and the south-west of the United States and [[gap]] in Uzbekistan, ''chernaya kassa'' in Kyrgyzstan, is more common among women (Kandiyoti 1998). For female entrepreneurs ''chernaya kassa'' is a good opportunity to advertise and sell their goods or services among the ''kassa'' members (Turaeva 2018). [[Joro]] gatherings, popular in Kyrgyzstan, often also include the “kassa” saving fund system. Members of joro gatherings agree on the conditions under which “chernaya kassa” would run. | ||
''Chernaya kassa'' as informal micro-credit issuing scheme allows taking a large amount of money at once without interest rates. It enables individuals to get an unofficial extra-fund when in need. Since ''chernaya kassa'' participants know each other very well and trust each other, they usually do not have conflicts over money. People spend the savings to buy services and durable goods, such as expensive furniture, household equipment or jewelry, which they would not be able to afford otherwise, or to celebrate life events, such as jubilees, weddings or feasts. Alternatively, they can be spent to travel abroad, to pay for tuition fees, or invest in their small family businesses. | ''Chernaya kassa'' as informal micro-credit issuing scheme allows taking a large amount of money at once without interest rates. It enables individuals to get an unofficial extra-fund when in need. Since ''chernaya kassa'' participants know each other very well and trust each other, they usually do not have conflicts over money. People spend the savings to buy services and durable goods, such as expensive furniture, household equipment or jewelry, which they would not be able to afford otherwise, or to celebrate life events, such as jubilees, weddings or feasts. Alternatively, they can be spent to travel abroad, to pay for tuition fees, or invest in their small family businesses. | ||