Difference between revisions of "Pečenje rakije (Serbia)"

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''Rakija'' had an important role in the rural household, as documented ethnographically between 1920-1960 (Barjaktarević 1961). It was integrated into the ritual of ''slava'', a feast day celebrating patron saints in the Serbian Orthodox households. It had a role in Christmas, Easter, wedding and baptism celebrations, and was and still is an indispensable sign of hospitality. It was also a requisite in funerals. A drop from glass, poured by each mourner, was spilled on the ground for the soul of the deceased. Bottles of ''rakija'' or wine were also left on graves, as part of the yearly commemoration of the dead.  
''Rakija'' had an important role in the rural household, as documented ethnographically between 1920-1960 (Barjaktarević 1961). It was integrated into the ritual of ''slava'', a feast day celebrating patron saints in the Serbian Orthodox households. It had a role in Christmas, Easter, wedding and baptism celebrations, and was and still is an indispensable sign of hospitality. It was also a requisite in funerals. A drop from glass, poured by each mourner, was spilled on the ground for the soul of the deceased. Bottles of ''rakija'' or wine were also left on graves, as part of the yearly commemoration of the dead.  


''Rakija'' has several types and levels of quality. At the end of the nineteenth century, a Serbian author provided chemical and sensory evaluation for over thirty types of Vojvodinian ''rakija'' (Petrović 1889). Poor households, without access to orchard fruit, were able only to produce low-quality ''komadara'' made from cereal such as wheat or corn, (Barjaktarević 1961, Petrović 1889), or brandy made from foraged fruit such as greengage (''ringlópálinka'') and mulberry (''dudovača'') (Vukmanović 1999). Low-quality brandy was made from pumpkins, although less frequently (Barjaktarević 1961). Fruit brandies with higher reputation were made from plums (''šljivovica''), apricots (''kajsijevača'') and peaches (''breskovača''). ''Rakija'' made from grapes was called ''komovica'' (also ''loza'' or ''törkő'' (Petrović 1889). The sensory properties and alcohol content of ''rakija'' is often evaluated with a Baumé scale (called ''bome''), a hydrometer for measuring liquid density (Dikić & Dikić 2003). Although the method is old-fashioned and less appropriate for measuring alcohol properties accurately (see Petrović 1889), using it is perceived as a sign of skill and connoisseurship.  
''Rakija'' has several types and levels of quality. At the end of the nineteenth century, a Serbian author provided chemical and sensory evaluation for over thirty types of Vojvodinian ''rakija'' (Petrović 1889). Poor households, without access to orchard fruit, were able only to produce low-quality ''komadara'' made from cereal such as wheat or corn, (Barjaktarević 1961, Petrović 1889), or brandy made from foraged fruit such as greengage (''ringlópálinka'') and mulberry (''dudovača'') (Vukmanović 1999). Low-quality brandy was made from pumpkins, although less frequently (Barjaktarević 1961). Fruit brandies with higher reputation were made from plums (''šljivovica''), apricots (''kajsijevača'') and peaches (''breskovača''). ''Rakija'' made from grapes was called ''komovica'' (also ''loza'' or ''törkő'' (Petrović 1889). The sensory properties and alcohol content of ''rakija'' is often evaluated with a Baumé scale (called ''grad''), a hydrometer for measuring liquid density (Dikić & Dikić 2003). Although the method is old-fashioned and less appropriate for measuring alcohol properties accurately (see Petrović 1889), using it is perceived as a sign of skill and connoisseurship.  


''Rakija''-making in Vojvodina started to develop from 1718 onward, in the transition period between the periods of the Ottoman Empire and the Hungarian crown land. Alcoholic beverages were produced and smuggled into the Ottoman Empire, where the Sharia law either taxed them or prohibited their production (Mrgić 2017). According to an imperial Habsburg order from 1772, each Vojvodinian household was ordered to plant on its property and on the street in front of the house thirty-two mulberry trees (Vukmanović 1999), to encourage and foster the production of silk. In the Bačka area of Vojvodina alone there were 250,000 mulberry trees. The amount of fruit inspired the production of ''dudovača''. ''Dudovača'' used to be considered a poor man’s brandy, but nowadays mulberry has become rare and the Vojvodinian dudovača has been recently rebranded as a regional specialty (Vukmanović 1999).
''Rakija''-making in Vojvodina started to develop from 1718 onward, in the transition period between the periods of the Ottoman Empire and the Hungarian crown land. Alcoholic beverages were produced and smuggled into the Ottoman Empire, where the Sharia law either taxed them or prohibited their production (Mrgić 2017). According to an imperial Habsburg order from 1772, each Vojvodinian household was ordered to plant on its property and on the street in front of the house thirty-two mulberry trees (Vukmanović 1999), to encourage and foster the production of silk. In the Bačka area of Vojvodina alone there were 250,000 mulberry trees. The amount of fruit inspired the production of ''dudovača''. ''Dudovača'' used to be considered a poor man’s brandy, but nowadays mulberry has become rare and the Vojvodinian dudovača has been recently rebranded as a regional specialty (Vukmanović 1999).

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