Difference between revisions of "Otkat vizy (Russia)"

|style="font-size:1.1em;"| ''[[Otkat]] vizy'' is a colloquial Russian phrase that literally means ‘taking visa for a ride’ and describes the tourist practice of crossing the border for a short visit or one-day shopping with the purpose of collecting border stamps and fulfilling the requirements to use a long-term visa properly. This practice is widespread among citizens of the regions of north-west Russia, especially St. Petersburg and the surrounding Leningrad Oblast’, in close proximity of eastern Finland. In contrast to other regions of the Russian Federation, St. Petersburg residents have relatively easy access to Finland, developed cross-border transport service, and fairly relaxed requirements for acquiring a short-term Schengen visa. Official residents of the region can apply for a short-stay ‘C’ visa for up to 90 days per half-year, based on a reduced set of documents: (1) international passport with at least six months’ remaining validity, (2) completed applica¬tion form with a photo, and (3) travel health insurance. They are not required to submit supporting documents, such as a statement of employment, salary slips, bank statements, proof of real estate property, proof of hotel reservation, or return travel tickets, yet these can be requested from an applicant (Dekalchuk 2014: 11; EUR-Lex 2009).  

|style="font-size:1.1em;"| ''[[Otkat]] vizy'' is a colloquial Russian phrase that literally means ‘taking visa for a ride’ and describes the tourist practice of crossing the border for a short visit or one-day shopping with the purpose of collecting border stamps and fulfilling the requirements to use a long-term visa properly. This practice is widespread among citizens of the regions of north-west Russia, especially St. Petersburg and the surrounding Leningrad Oblast’, in close proximity of eastern Finland. In contrast to other regions of the Russian Federation, St. Petersburg residents have relatively easy access to Finland, developed cross-border transport service, and fairly relaxed requirements for acquiring a short-term Schengen visa. Official residents of the region can apply for a short-stay ‘C’ visa for up to 90 days per half-year, based on a reduced set of documents: (1) international passport with at least six months’ remaining validity, (2) completed applica¬tion form with a photo, and (3) travel health insurance. They are not required to submit supporting documents, such as a statement of employment, salary slips, bank statements, proof of real estate property, proof of hotel reservation, or return travel tickets, yet these can be requested from an applicant (Dekalchuk 2014: 11; EUR-Lex 2009).  

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Conceptually, ''otkat vizy'' is the case of ‘documentary practices’ (see Navaro-Yashin 2007) of mobility, or in other words, keeping the letter of the law to exercise the freedom of movement in Europe. Indeed, the traveling practices of the visa-dependent people display a repetitive pattern of cross-border activities that turn highly regulated border controls and visa formalities to their advantage, while also adhering to the formal requirements. Other practices include: multiple border crossing to (ab)use a legal duty-free allowance and import goods (see also ''mrówki'' in [[small-scale smuggling]]), or the so-called ‘marriage of convenience’ in order to obtain a visa for regular travel to a more prosperous country (e.g. Brennan 2003; Kraler 2011: 221-83). Migrants also use border-crossing strategies to renew a visa/permit of the host country (e.g. Green 2015; Schenk 2018: 193). Such patterns can serve long-term and pendulum migration, as well as short-term mobility, which often goes under the radar in migration studies. Much less is known about visa policies and border experiences in contexts, not associated with [[smuggling]], complex borders, ethnicity, or entrepreneurship. Yet they have important implications.

Conceptually, ''otkat vizy'' is the case of ‘documentary practices’ (see Navaro-Yashin 2007) of mobility, or in other words, keeping the letter of the law to exercise the freedom of movement in Europe. Indeed, the traveling practices of the visa-dependent people display a repetitive pattern of cross-border activities that turn highly regulated border controls and visa formalities to their advantage, while also adhering to the formal requirements. Other practices include: multiple border crossing to (ab)use a legal duty-free allowance and import goods (see also ''mrówki'' in [[small-scale smuggling]]), or the so-called ‘marriage of convenience’ in order to obtain a visa for regular travel to a more prosperous country (e.g. Brennan 2003; Kraler 2011: 221-83). Migrants also use border-crossing strategies to renew a visa/permit of the host country (e.g. Green 2015; Schenk 2018: 193). Such patterns can serve long-term and pendulum migration, as well as short-term mobility, which often goes under the radar in migration studies. Much less is known about visa policies and border experiences in contexts, not associated with [[smuggling]], complex borders, ethnicity, or entrepreneurship. Yet they have important implications.

The Russia-Finland cross-border tourism industry has flourished since the 2000s, leading to the opening of the Finnish visa application centre in 2011 and the development of a wide net of travel agencies and transport companies. One can easily organize a trip from St. Petersburg to most destinations in Finland, with a choice of a high-speed commuter train, a ferry, luxury or low-cost buses, door-to-door minibusses and cars, car-sharing services, or even a free round trip bus service in return for spending 100 euro in a shopping mall on the Finnish side of the border.  

The Russia-Finland cross-border tourism industry has flourished since the 2000s, leading to the opening of the Finnish visa application centre in 2011 and the development of a wide net of travel agencies and transport companies. One can easily organize a trip from St. Petersburg to most destinations in Finland, with a choice of a high-speed commuter train, a ferry, luxury or low-cost buses, door-to-door minibusses and cars, car-sharing services, or even a free round trip bus service in return for spending 100 euro in a shopping mall on the Finnish side of the border.  

The number of crossings at the Finnish-Russian land border has grown from 1.3 million in 1991 to 8.4 million in 2010 (Eskelinen et al. 2013: 53). By 2019, the number of passengers crossing the Finnish eastern border from Russia has exceeded 9.5 million (Findicator 2020). Since the early 2000s, the trend of short trips predominating at this destination persists: 81 percent of the trips lasted less than eight hours and 94 percent of the visitors crossed the border at least once a month (Eskelinen et al. 2013: 53). In the late 2000s, about 70 percent of all border crossings are same-day tours to Finnish border towns, such as Imatra or Lappeenranta (Studzińska et al. 2018: 122).

The number of crossings at the Finnish-Russian land border has grown from 1.3 million in 1991 to 8.4 million in 2010 (Eskelinen et al. 2013: 53). By 2019, the number of passengers crossing the Finnish eastern border from Russia has exceeded 9.5 million (Findicator 2020). Since the early 2000s, the trend of short trips predominating at this destination persists: 81 percent of the trips lasted less than eight hours and 94 percent of the visitors crossed the border at least once a month (Eskelinen et al. 2013: 53). In the late 2000s, about 70 percent of all border crossings are same-day tours to Finnish border towns, such as Imatra or Lappeenranta (Studzińska et al. 2018: 122).