Difference between revisions of "Caili (China)"

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The history of betrothal gifts dates to the Western Zhou Dynasty (1045BC-771BC), where betrothal gifts were regarded as a blessing and a symbol of the bond uniting the families of the couple. Since the Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD) the extravagant spending in ceremonial events, like weddings and funerals, incentivized the practice of pricing wives. During the Tang dynasty (618AD-907AD), betrothal gifts were considered an indispensable dimension of marriages. Once betrothal gifts were accepted by the family of the bride, the union became legally binding (Si and Wang, 2018). The quantity and value of betrothal gifts reflected the families’ wealth and social position.  
The history of betrothal gifts dates to the Western Zhou Dynasty (1045BC-771BC), where betrothal gifts were regarded as a blessing and a symbol of the bond uniting the families of the couple. Since the Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD) the extravagant spending in ceremonial events, like weddings and funerals, incentivized the practice of pricing wives. During the Tang dynasty (618AD-907AD), betrothal gifts were considered an indispensable dimension of marriages. Once betrothal gifts were accepted by the family of the bride, the union became legally binding (Si and Wang, 2018). The quantity and value of betrothal gifts reflected the families’ wealth and social position.  
[[File:Table 1 Caili.PNG|thumb|x200px|left|Table 1: The changing pattern of the three main gifts (Xu,2019)]]


Since the 1980s, the value of bride prices started to soar in both urban and rural regions. Traditionally, betrothal gifts were three, and over the decades the identification of these gifts changed to include those goods that were socially perceived as the most precious. In a competition to prove their higher social status families grew to include more expensive gifts. Table 1 enlists the three most common betrothal gifts by decade since the 1960s.  
Since the 1980s, the value of bride prices started to soar in both urban and rural regions. Traditionally, betrothal gifts were three, and over the decades the identification of these gifts changed to include those goods that were socially perceived as the most precious. In a competition to prove their higher social status families grew to include more expensive gifts. Table 1 enlists the three most common betrothal gifts by decade since the 1960s.  


[[File:IMAGE_NAME.JPG|thumb|x300px|left|Table 1: The changing pattern of the three main gifts (Xu,2019)]]
 
 
 
 


Table 2 summarizes the survey conducted by Fu et.al (2018) proving the increasing value of betrothal gifts from 1970 to 2010.
Table 2 summarizes the survey conducted by Fu et.al (2018) proving the increasing value of betrothal gifts from 1970 to 2010.
 
[[File:Table 2 Caili.PNG|thumb|x200px|right|Table 2: A survey on average consumption of betrothal gifts (Fu et.al, 2018). The survey had a sample of 134 couples of different age in Beijing and Wuhan.  
[[File:IMAGE_NAME.JPG|thumb|x300px|right|Table 2: A survey on average consumption of betrothal gifts (Fu et.al, 2018). The survey had a sample of 134 couples of different age in Beijing and Wuhan.  
Numbers in parentheses are in USD.]]
Numbers in parentheses are in USD.]]


Table 3 shows the bride price in cash in rural areas and the comparisons with the annual household income.


[[File:IMAGE_NAME.JPG|thumb|x300px|left|Table 3: Data of bride price in cash in some rural areas. Numbers in parentheses are in USD.]]


The increasing bride price can be attributed to two main reasons. Firstly, the one-child policy has affected the sex ratio balance, resulting in more men than women born (this practice can be seen also in Montenegro as a result of [[Selektivni abortus / tuđa večera (Montenegro)]]). Jiang et.al argued that being less, females have more options to choose from, while men have to compete, also economically, for their spouse (2015, p.218). This demographic pressure is further reinforced by a social one. If they cannot get married by a certain age, Chinese men are referred to by their communities as “bare branches”. In rural areas, a family with a “bare branch” may be rejected by the community. To protect the reputation of the family and continue the paternal line, one of the aims of parents in their lives is finding a spouse for their son. Secondly, the bride prices reflect the prestige and social standing of the wedded families. Higher bride prices might be pursued simply to show off, leading to competition among families. Parents will spend more on marriage expenses to prove their superiority in face of others.
The increasing bride price can be attributed to two main reasons. Firstly, the one-child policy has affected the sex ratio balance, resulting in more men than women born (this practice can be seen also in Montenegro as a result of [[Selektivni abortus / tuđa večera (Montenegro)]]). Jiang et.al argued that being less, females have more options to choose from, while men have to compete, also economically, for their spouse (2015, p.218). This demographic pressure is further reinforced by a social one. If they cannot get married by a certain age, Chinese men are referred to by their communities as “bare branches”. In rural areas, a family with a “bare branch” may be rejected by the community. To protect the reputation of the family and continue the paternal line, one of the aims of parents in their lives is finding a spouse for their son. Secondly, the bride prices reflect the prestige and social standing of the wedded families. Higher bride prices might be pursued simply to show off, leading to competition among families. Parents will spend more on marriage expenses to prove their superiority in face of others.


Table 3 shows the bride price in cash in rural areas and the comparisons with the annual household income.
[[File:Table 3 Caili.PNG|thumb|x300px|left|Table 3: Data of bride price in cash in some rural areas. Numbers in parentheses are in USD.]]
==References==
==References==


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