Difference between revisions of "Kumstvo (Montenegro)"

'''''Original Text: Klavs Sedlenieks, Riga Stradins University, Latvia'''''

''Kumstvo'' (from ''kum'' a godfather, ''kuma'' – a godmother) is an informal network based on fictive kinship in Montenegro (a similar term associated with slightly different practices exists elsewhere in Bosnia, Serbia and Croatia). ''Kumstvo'' is one of the most venerated social institutions in Montenegro, often described with the words ‘''kumstvo je svetinja''’ (‘''kumstvo'' is holy’). ''Kumstvo'' plays a significant role in the informal ties that permeate Montenegrin society. ''Kumovi'' just like blood relatives are supposed to help each other and in most cases they do so in spite of formal bureaucratic ideals, thus often leading to nepotism.

The choice of a ''kumstvo'' partner or ''kum''/''kuma'' is preferably made on the basis of prior friendship and ''kumstvo'' itself then serves as a formalisation of such friendship. Thus ''kumovi'' are usually best friends and ''kumstvo'' is a proof of a very deep and important relationship. However, an offer to become a ''kum'' even if it comes from someone who is not a close friend is considered an offer that should not be refused. An offer to become a ''kum'' is considered a great honour and a ground for pride. In almost all cases an offer of ''kumstvo'' to a previously unknown person is done through baptism of a child, and such cases clearly indicate the presence of vertical relationships that (similarly to godparenthood in other areas) require the godfather to take care of the godchild. ''Kumstvo'' can be established across religions (although not in accord with the Christian idea of godparenthood where the godparent should be a spiritual parent already experienced in the particular faith) at an event celebrating first haircut of the child (called ''šišano kumstvo''), or during the circumcision ceremony (only regarding boys) if the parents are Muslim.  

The ideal basis of Montenegrin ''kumstvo'' is a prior affectionate connection between the would-be ''kumovi'' and therefore calculated cases of ''kumstvo'' offers are treated with some contempt. Nevertheless, because according to the tradition one is obliged to accept ''kumstvo'' offers, historical sources provide evidence of tactical usage of ''kumstvo'', e.g., a thief could offer ''kumstvo'' if caught in action, or a drowning man could offer it to oblige a passer-by to help him. Up to the end of 19th century ''kumstvo'' was also widely used in the final phase of ending blood-feuds as a means to seal relationships between previously feuding families<ref>Boehm, Christopher. 1984. Blood Revenge. The Enactment and Management of Conflict in Montenegro and Other Tribal Societies. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.</ref>. Historical sources also describe the use of ''kumstvo'' for medical purposes, such as seeking a new ''kum'' if a child becomes sick. In such cases the parents would place the child at a crossroads and the first person to approach would be offered ''kumstvo'' <ref>Hammel, Eugene A. 1968. Alternative Social Structures and Ritual Relations. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.</ref>. The idea was that the choice of ''kum'' was left to destiny or God’s will, and could bring about a change in the child’s fortune. Contemporary ''kumstvo'', however, rarely if ever has such tactical usage.

Similar institutions to ''kumstvo'' can be found elsewhere in the world. The term ''kum'' and derived terms associated with the process of becoming a ''kum'' are known across Eastern Europe (compare: ''kummi'' (‘godmother’ in Finnish), ''kūms''/''kūma'' (Latvian), ''кум''/''кума'' (Russian), ''kmotor''/''kmotra'' (Czeck and Slovak), ''kum''/''kuma'' (Serbian, Croatian, Macedonian). Тhe particularities of the institution may differ from country to country, while in other societies a similar institution may be described by a different term. All Christian confessions have the institution of ''godparenthood'': a person or a group of persons invited to become a spiritual parent of a newly baptised person. The number of godparents varies greatly, as does the role of the godparent in the life of godchild.  

The most well-known counterpart of ''kumstvo'' is [[''compadrazgo'']] in the Iberian peninsula and especially Latin America. ''Compadrazgo'' shares many essential features with Montenegrin ''kumstvo'', however these features vary from place to place in Latin America. Latin American ''compadrazgo'' is almost invariably created at a baptism of a child and establishes a strong bond between the three parties involved. Particularly important is the tie between the co-parents. Refusing an offer to become a ''compadre'' is almost impossible. Literature describes both vertical (class-external, mostly seeking a compadre from a higher social class) as well as horizontal (class-internal) choices of compadre. In some places, strategic choice of a compadre from an upper social class is treated with contempt<ref>Mintz, Sidney W, and Eric E. R. Wolf. 1950. 'An Analysis of Ritual Co-Parenthood (Compadrazgo).' Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 6(4):341-368.</ref>, while in other cases it is a common guiding principle. The compadre can be chosen either from among relatives or from people who are not kin; again, preferences vary regionally. Although the Latin American tradition of ''compadrazgo'' has undeniable roots in Europe and Christianity, some authors<ref>Halbich, Marek. 2010. 'Ritual Compadrazgo as an instrument of interethnic and social Adaptation among the Rarámuri in Northwestern Mexico' Accessed September 27, 2011. http://lidemesta.cz/index.php?id=702</ref><ref>Mintz, Sidney W, and Eric E. R. Wolf. 1950. 'An Analysis of Ritual Co-Parenthood (Compadrazgo).' Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 6(4):341-368.</ref> point out that the pre-Columbian Aztecs may have had a similar institution with very similar implications.

The flourishing of ''kumstvo'' in Montenegro and surrounding areas can be seen as related to the historical nature and trajectory of the state in these countries. As with other Eastern European countries, the Montenegrin state has been subject to considerable political, geographical and ideological upheavals throughout its history. In this context, trust in state institutions tend to be comparatively low, while trust in traditional forms and principles of organising day-to-day business (including ''kumstvo'') is often much higher. A person who has a wide and well-integrated group of blood and fictive relatives has much better prospects in life than a person who lacks it. Having a ''kum'', just like having a relative or simply an acquaintance, is not necessarily a source of abuse in every case of dealing with state bureaucracies and similar interactions, but on average will put a person in a better position. As a result, residents of Montenegro who have recently immigrated from other areas (e.g. Kosovo) and whose relatives and ''kumovi'' have stayed behind may typically complain of a lack of general support that reduces chances of success compared to long-term residents. With time, this problem is remedied by intermarriage and in particular by means of ''kumstvo'' – the latter being more flexible and more reliant on the networking capabilities of the particular individual rather than on his or her ascribed status<ref>Boehm, Christopher. 1984. Blood Revenge. The Enactment and Management of Conflict in Montenegro and Other Tribal Societies. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.</ref><ref>Boehm, Christopher. 1984. Blood Revenge. The Enactment and Management of Conflict in Montenegro and Other Tribal Societies. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.</ref>.  

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