Difference between revisions of "Triangulating Ethnicity, Networks and Informality"

Various forms of the combined impact of ethnicity and networks on informality is well-illustrated in the first two volumes of this series such as the traditional ([[''adat'']], Chechnya or [[''uruuchuluk'']], Kygyzstan) versus the modern ([[''joro'']], Kyrgyzstan, [[''taksovanie'']], Uzbekistan, [[''a molestar a otro lado'']], Guatemala or [[''HhTsB'']], Armenia), the illegal ([[''blood revenge'']], Caucasus, [[''mzungu price'']], East and Sub-Saharan Africa or [[''tenderpreneur'']], South-Afrika) versus the a-legal ([[''ta’arof'']], Iran, [[''partiti'']], Corsica, [[''sadaqa'']] in several regions of Central Asia, [[''ahbap-çavuş'']], Turkey or [[''wantok'' and ''kastom'']], Melanesia).  

There are case studies which lucidly illustrate the intertwined and mutually reinforcing role of ethnicity, informality and informality in the context of migration/mobility as well. For example, ''hemșehricilik'' in Turkey means that rural migrants in cities and/or migrants all over the Turkish Diaspora offer favors to those ‘near and dear’. This activity contributes to retaining and even strengthening ethnic identity but also offers informal advantages for those who belong into these circles such as getting job and/or higher income, jump a queue, etc. ''[[Ściągnąć]]'' in Poland is the equivalent of chain migration (literally meaning ‘pull down/off from’, e.g. an apple from a tree or pulling in a fish on a line. The ethnic networks which are embedded into this activity is also the fertile soil of various forms (and not necessarily tensionless) informal activity.