Difference between revisions of "Dash (Nigeria)"

Understanding the dash helps elucidate the nuances and complexity of official corruption in Nigeria. A dash is the lubricant that enables actors to make the mechanisms of bureaucracy more personal, not only in actual relationships between officeholders and their clients, but also by building on and reinforcing a moral economy that facilitates corruption, even in situations where citizen and bureaucrat are, in fact, complete strangers (Joseph 1987; Chabal and Daloz 1999; Olivier de Sardan 1999; Blundo and Olivier de Sardan 2001b; Pierce 2016)<ref>Joseph, R. 1987. Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press</ref><ref>Chabal, P. and Daloz, J.-P. 1999. Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument. Bloomington: Indiana University Press</ref><ref>Olivier de Sardan, J.-P. 1999. ‘A Moral Economy of Corruption in Africa?’ The Journal of Modern African Studies 37 (1): 25-52</ref><ref>Blundo, G. and Olivier de Sardan, J.-P. 2001b. ‘Sémiologie Populaire de la Corruption,’ Politique Africaine (3) 83: 98-114</ref><ref>Pierce, S. 2016. Moral Economies of Corruption: State Formation and Political Culture in Nigeria. Durham, NC: Duke University Press</ref>. Actors on both sides of the exchange are frequently more comfortable operating in an informal idiom of accountability that humanises the transaction between citizen and state. As much as Nigerians sometimes lament the system that makes the dash so ubiquitous, many will admit that they would also feel lost without it.

Understanding the dash helps elucidate the nuances and complexity of official corruption in Nigeria. A dash is the lubricant that enables actors to make the mechanisms of bureaucracy more personal, not only in actual relationships between officeholders and their clients, but also by building on and reinforcing a moral economy that facilitates corruption, even in situations where citizen and bureaucrat are, in fact, complete strangers (Joseph 1987; Chabal and Daloz 1999; Olivier de Sardan 1999; Blundo and Olivier de Sardan 2001b; Pierce 2016)<ref>Joseph, R. 1987. Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press</ref><ref>Chabal, P. and Daloz, J.-P. 1999. Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument. Bloomington: Indiana University Press</ref><ref>Olivier de Sardan, J.-P. 1999. ‘A Moral Economy of Corruption in Africa?’ The Journal of Modern African Studies 37 (1): 25-52</ref><ref>Blundo, G. and Olivier de Sardan, J.-P. 2001b. ‘Sémiologie Populaire de la Corruption,’ Politique Africaine (3) 83: 98-114</ref><ref>Pierce, S. 2016. Moral Economies of Corruption: State Formation and Political Culture in Nigeria. Durham, NC: Duke University Press</ref>. Actors on both sides of the exchange are frequently more comfortable operating in an informal idiom of accountability that humanises the transaction between citizen and state. As much as Nigerians sometimes lament the system that makes the dash so ubiquitous, many will admit that they would also feel lost without it.

==Notes==

==Notes==