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While viewed as involuntary and extortive, such forms of tribute are linked to the practices of lobbying in Nigeria’s recent democratisation under the Fourth Republic (1999 onwards) (Ribadu 2005<ref>Ribadu, N. 2005. Explaining the bastardized forms of lobbying in Nigeria, The Guardian newspaper (Lagos, Nigeria), April 7, p. 6.</ref>; Abolarin 2003<ref>Abolarin, D. 2005. Lobbying in Nigeria, quoted in TELL Newsmagazine (Lagos, Nigeria), April 4, p. 48.</ref>). Lobbying, essentially carried out through various methods of political advocacy for certain interests, involves applying pressure to public officials (especially legislators) to influence pending action or legislation, in terms of policy agenda setting or formulation (Encyclopedia Britanica 1980<ref>The Encyclopedia Britannica Inc. 1980. Macropedia, Vol. VI, 15th Edition, USA: University of Chicago.</ref>; Bello-Imam 2005<ref>Bello-Imam, I. B. 2005. The War Against Corruption in Nigeria: Problems and Prospects, Ibadan: Lead City University.</ref>). Although lobbying can be associated with cases of bribery (for example the ‘Abscam’ and ‘Koreagate’ cases in the USA (Rodee et al 1983: 176<ref>Rodee, C. C., Christol, C. Q., Anderson, T. J. and Greene, T. H. 1983. Introduction to Political Science, Japan: McGraw Hill International.</ref>), the practices of lobbying are not only regulated in most advanced democratic systems, but also monitored by political opponents and the press. The situation in Nigeria, where a culture of impunity for lobbying prevails, is rather different. Thus, during the alleged attempt in 2006 by the Obasanjo administration to change the constitution to legalise a third presidential term (the ‘Third Term Agenda’), many independent television stations reported cash-filled ‘Ghana-Must-Go’ (GMB) bags as evidence of bribes paid to those national legislators who ostensibly refused to agree on the tenure extension allegedly requested by the president. Pushing for involuntary decisions by means of bribes was also referred to as ''egunje''. | While viewed as involuntary and extortive, such forms of tribute are linked to the practices of lobbying in Nigeria’s recent democratisation under the Fourth Republic (1999 onwards) (Ribadu 2005<ref>Ribadu, N. 2005. Explaining the bastardized forms of lobbying in Nigeria, The Guardian newspaper (Lagos, Nigeria), April 7, p. 6.</ref>; Abolarin 2003<ref>Abolarin, D. 2005. Lobbying in Nigeria, quoted in TELL Newsmagazine (Lagos, Nigeria), April 4, p. 48.</ref>). Lobbying, essentially carried out through various methods of political advocacy for certain interests, involves applying pressure to public officials (especially legislators) to influence pending action or legislation, in terms of policy agenda setting or formulation (Encyclopedia Britanica 1980<ref>The Encyclopedia Britannica Inc. 1980. Macropedia, Vol. VI, 15th Edition, USA: University of Chicago.</ref>; Bello-Imam 2005<ref>Bello-Imam, I. B. 2005. The War Against Corruption in Nigeria: Problems and Prospects, Ibadan: Lead City University.</ref>). Although lobbying can be associated with cases of bribery (for example the ‘Abscam’ and ‘Koreagate’ cases in the USA (Rodee et al 1983: 176<ref>Rodee, C. C., Christol, C. Q., Anderson, T. J. and Greene, T. H. 1983. Introduction to Political Science, Japan: McGraw Hill International.</ref>), the practices of lobbying are not only regulated in most advanced democratic systems, but also monitored by political opponents and the press. The situation in Nigeria, where a culture of impunity for lobbying prevails, is rather different. Thus, during the alleged attempt in 2006 by the Obasanjo administration to change the constitution to legalise a third presidential term (the ‘Third Term Agenda’), many independent television stations reported cash-filled ‘Ghana-Must-Go’ (GMB) bags as evidence of bribes paid to those national legislators who ostensibly refused to agree on the tenure extension allegedly requested by the president. Pushing for involuntary decisions by means of bribes was also referred to as ''egunje''. | ||
The open demand for ''egunje'' among police, border and airport officials points to a practical norm (de Sardan 2011<ref>de Sardan, J-P. O. 2011. ‘The Eight Modes of Local Governance in West Africa’, IDS Bulletin, 42(2), March.</ref>), as does the ubiquity of ''egunje'' offerings by ordinary Nigerians, who do not want to be unnecessarily delayed or unjustly penalised by government officials in these extortive agencies. Despite its resemblance to petty corruption, ''egunje'' is viewed as a legitimate ‘survival strategy’ by a significant section of society. It is common for people living in countries with systemic corruption to point out that such short-cuts save time, effort, and get work done, while also using euphemisms for bribes. | |||
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